Vertigo - The Rise and Fall of Weimar Germany. Chapter 10: The Work Runs Out
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第十章深入探讨了1929年纽约证券交易所崩盘引发的德国大萧条的严峻现实。最初德国媒体对此轻描淡写，但美国的金融危机很快蔓延成一场全球性的经济灾难，由于其岌岌可危的债务状况，德国受到的冲击尤为严重。德国陷入了一个循环：从美国借款以支付战争赔款，这些赔款又资助了盟国偿还对美国的战争债务。当美国银行开始撤回资金时，整个纸牌屋轰然倒塌。
本章鲜明地对比了德国此前令人陶醉的繁荣时期与突如其来的、毁灭性的逆转。“查尔斯顿年代”的特点是无节制的消费主义，受到美国信贷的推动，各个城市竞相建造豪华的文化地标，尽管外交部长施特雷泽曼担心表现得过于繁荣会导致降低赔款的要求。这种鲁莽的支出导致了德国对美元的依赖，最终将其拖入了经济漩涡。
随着美国银行收回贷款，企业和个人失去了流动资产，导致失业率飙升。失业救济金严重不足，导致了总理赫尔曼·穆勒领导的社会民主党内阁的垮台。兴登堡总统任命保守派中间派海因里希·勃鲁宁为总理，开启了一个通过总统令实施严厉的紧缩措施的时期，绕过了议会多数席位。勃鲁宁的“饥饿总理”政策，旨在迫使盟国在赔款问题上让步，却加剧了经济危机，削减了工资和社会福利，但失业率仍然飙升。
本章强调了大规模失业造成的社会解体。绝望的人们排在街头，沦为乞讨，做任何可以获得的工作。棚屋出现在分配地里，把它们变成了被称为“施腾普尔利多”的贫民窟。失业者在绝望、冷漠和失去社会结构中挣扎。尽管共产党努力组织抗议活动，但他们的努力大多是徒劳的，因为失业者与其说是革命，不如说是逆来顺受。
叙述揭露了由媒体大亨阿尔弗雷德·胡根贝格领导的民族主义煽动者如何利用恐惧和怨恨，将经济危机归咎于赔款和民主党派的“绥靖政策”。随着失业人数的增加，这种说法越来越受欢迎，引起了对社会衰落感到恐惧的中产阶级的共鸣。
本章还强调了纳粹党的崛起，这归功于经济危机和社会衰落的恐惧。纳粹党通过提供一个清晰的，虽然是简化的解释，成功地利用了经济焦虑：德国人民受到犹太金融家的“奴役”以及民主党派的“叛国政治”。犹太人被描绘成寄生和剥削的，与正直的“福克工人”形成鲜明对比。这种深深植根于传统反犹刻板印象的叙事，为经济危机提供了一个替罪羊，并为幻灭的群众提供了一种使命感。
随着失业率的飞速上升，传统政党声名扫地，人们的幻灭感日益增强。这使纳粹的替罪羊策略变得成熟。 本章以一个严峻的提醒结尾，即全球经济危机如何对德国的职业道德造成了深深的伤害，以及纳粹如何利用这种深深的创伤来操纵公众舆论。
Chapter 10 delves into the grim realities of the Great Depression in Germany, triggered by the 1929 New York Stock Exchange crash. Initially downplayed by the German press, the American financial crisis soon metastasized into a global economic catastrophe, hitting Germany particularly hard due to its precarious debt situation. The country was caught in a cycle of borrowing from the US to pay war reparations, which then funded Allied war debts to America. When American banks began withdrawing funds, the house of cards collapsed.
The chapter paints a stark contrast between the preceding era of intoxicating boom in Germany and the sudden, devastating reversal. The "Charleston years" were marked by unrestrained consumerism, fueled by American credit, with cities vying to construct opulent cultural landmarks, despite Foreign Minister Striesemann's concerns about appearing too prosperous to demand reduced reparations. This reckless spending contributed to Germany's dependence on American dollars, ultimately dragging it into the economic maelstrom.
As American banks called in their loans, businesses and individuals lost their liquid assets, resulting in soaring unemployment. Unemployment insurance was woefully inadequate, leading to the collapse of Chancellor Hermann Müller's Social Democrat-led cabinet. President Hindenburg appointed Heinrich Brüning, a conservative centrist, as Chancellor, ushering in a period of severe austerity measures implemented through presidential decree, bypassing parliamentary majority. Brüning's "hunger chancellor" policies, intended to force Allied powers to concede on reparations, only exacerbated the economic crisis, slashing wages and social welfare, yet unemployment soared.
The chapter highlights the social disintegration caused by mass unemployment. Desperate individuals lined the streets, reduced to begging and taking any available work. Shacks appeared in allotments, turning them into slums known as "Stemple Lido." The unemployed struggled with despair, apathy, and loss of their social structure. Despite communist efforts to organize protests, their efforts were largely ineffective, as the jobless were more resigned than revolutionary.
The narrative exposes the exploitation of fear and resentment by nationalist agitators, led by media mogul Alfred Hugenberg, who blamed the economic crisis on reparations and the democratic parties' "politics of appeasement." This narrative gained traction as unemployment figures rose, resonating with a middle class terrified of social decline.
The chapter also highlights the rise of the Nazi party, fueled by the economic crisis and the fear of social decline. The Nazis successfully exploited economic anxieties by offering a clear, albeit simplistic, explanation: the "enslavement" of the German people by Jewish financiers and the "treasonable politics" of democratic parties. The Jews were portrayed as parasitic and exploitative, contrasting sharply with the virtuous "Fokish worker." This narrative, deeply rooted in traditional anti-Semitic stereotypes, offered a scapegoat for the economic crisis and a sense of purpose to the disillusioned masses.
As the unemployment rate skyrocketed, and the traditional parties were discredited, there was a growing sense of disillusionment. It became ripe for the Nazi's scapegoating. The chapter closes with a stark reminder of how the global economic crisis dealt a deep wound to the German work ethic and how the Nazis exploited a deep wound to manipulate public opinion.
中英文字稿 
第十章，工作结束
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
Chapter 10, The Work Runs Out
有时候我觉得失去工作可能是好事，因为那样我就不用再担心工作怎么样以及人们是如何忍受它的。——汉斯·法拉达，《小人物，怎么办》。纽约出现了失误，然后事情开始失控。瓦伊玛共和国的根基在某个星期五开始动摇，只是当时没人注意到。历史上后来被称为“黑色星期五”的日子，实际上是事后才被冠上的名号。对于当时的人来说，1929年10月25日只是一个非常普通的日子，气氛在第二天依旧平和。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
And sometimes I think it would be a good thing if I lost my job, because then I wouldn't have to worry about what it's like and how people bear it. Hans Falada, Little Man, What Now. New York miscalculates and then the stone starts rolling. The foundations of the Vaima Republic started to shake one Friday, except that no one noticed – the Black Friday that has gone down in history was a retrospective coinage. For contemporaries, the 25th of October 1929 was a perfectly normal day – the mood was still relaxed the following day.
当然，德国人也注意到了纽约证券交易所的暴跌，那天被称为“黑色星期四”。但在美国，这种情况很快就稳定下来，至少在某种程度上是这样。《柏林证券报》是一份喜欢传播坏消息的反共和派报纸，它相信这种动荡只是暂时的。纽约证券交易所的崩盘并没有成为任何德国报纸的头版新闻，只是在报纸末尾的金融版面被报道。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
Of course, people in Germany had noticed the plunge in values on the New York Stock Exchange. It was Black Thursday there. But in America, the situation settled down very quickly, to some extent at least. The Berliner Berzensäitung, an anti-Republic newspaper that enjoyed bearing bad news, was sure that the upset was only temporary. The collapse of the New York Stock Exchange didn't make it to the front page of any of the German papers. It featured right at the back in the financial section.
德国媒体难道没有理由感到乐观吗？毕竟，美国股市崩盘是因股票市场的空前繁荣而引发的，这繁荣影响了小储户，并导致证券严重高估。德国投资者心想，这怎么会影响到我们呢？在Kommeltzbunk看来，纽约的股市崩盘甚至可能对德国有利。美国的货币市场将很快恢复，而在此之前，美国对外的投资可能会增加，因为美国市场已经变得过于不稳定。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
And didn't the German press have cause for optimism? After all, the American crash was the consequence of an unheard-of boom in shares, which had affected small savers and led to wild overvaluations of securities. How is that going to affect anyone here, German investors said to themselves? In the view of the Kommeltzbunk, the New York crash could even have advantages for Germany. The American money market would quickly recover, and until then, there would probably be an increase in US investment, because the American market had become too uncertain.
在接下来的几周里，这种信心依然存在。在黑色星期五过去八天后，Fossechitzäitung的股票和股市板块总结了交易市场的情况：整体上稳固。然而，在幕后的主角们并未察觉到，危机正在酝酿并慢慢向欧洲靠近。美国撤回了资金。股市崩盘已经清算了许多私人资产，并让美国银行面临许多即将破裂的信贷泡沫。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
Over the weeks that followed, that confidence still prevailed. Eight days after Black Friday, the stocks and shares section of the Fossechitzäitung summed up the situation on the trading floor. Solid all along the line. Behind the backs of the protagonists, however, trouble was brewing and slowly making its way towards Europe. America withdrew its money. The stock market crash had liquidated many private assets and left the US banks with any number of bursting credit bubbles.
他们的客户让自己被卷入了愚蠢的冒险中，为了从股市繁荣中获利，很多人借钱投资股票。当持续增长的幻想破灭后，他们只剩下债务。大萧条开始了，三年后，四分之一有工作能力的美国人失业。为了勉强保持资金周转，受影响的美国银行在可能的情况下撤出了它们在欧洲的业务。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
Their customers had allowed themselves to be sucked into foolish adventures, to profit from the stock market boom a lot of people had borrowed money and put it in shares. When the illusion of continuous growth went up in smoke, they were left with nothing but debts. The Great Depression began, and three years later, a quarter of Americans capable of work were unemployed. To remain halfway solvent, the afflicted American banks withdrew from European businesses whenever they could.
因此，美国的危机演变成了一场全球经济危机，而德国受到的打击最为严重。作为一战的战败国，他们陷入了一个由战争在全球经济中留下的奇怪的债务旋涡中。德国政府不断获得贷款，以便支付在《杨计划》中规定的赔款。用这笔钱，欧洲的战胜国偿还了他们为了资助战争而在美国欠下的债务。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
As a result, the American crisis became a global economic crisis, which hit Germany worst of all. The losers of the World War were at the centre of a bizarre carousel of debt that the war had left in the global economy. The German state had constantly received credits, so that they could pay the reparations set out in the young plan. With this money, the European victorious powers paid the debts that they had accrued in America to finance the war.
多年来，这个循环一直相当稳定，但现在却变成了一个向下的螺旋，影响到了胜利者和失败者。在这种沉重的战争债务压力下，在此之前的几年里，德国经历了一场令人陶醉的经济繁荣。这种繁荣是通过额外的债务来支持的，尽管看起来这些债务被稳固的增长所覆盖。随着经济繁荣，幻想也在增长，伴随富裕而来的是对更多的渴望，一种乐观的期待精神占据了主导，这种精神会让任何健康的经济焕发活力。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
The cycle had remained remarkably stable for years, but now turned into a downward spiral that affected victors and losers alike. In spite of this crushing war debt burden, in the years leading up to this, Germany had experienced an intoxicating boom. This had been financed by additional debts, although these seemed to be covered by solid growth. With the boom, illusions also grew, and with affluence came the appetite for more, a spirit of optimistic expectation took hold of the kind that fires up any healthy economy.
在魏玛共和国初期，超越自己经济能力的快乐生活是一种典型特征，而在经济繁荣时期这种特征更是毫无节制。在查尔斯顿舞盛行的那些年，人们似乎只能向着一个方向舞蹈，那就是不断向上。百货商店在视觉冲击力上已经超过了教堂，常常将自己重新设计为消费主义的殿堂。它们的门厅看起来如同梦幻般的歌剧背景，在柏林的卡施塔德和诺伊伊肯，让人有置身纽约的感觉，那是一家拥有巨大屋顶花园和直接城市连接的超级商店。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
The characteristic trait from the beginnings of the Weimar Republic of living cheerfully beyond one's means knew no bounds in the boom time. The Charleston years tended to dance in one direction only, steeply upwards. The department stores had overtaken the churches in visual power, constantly redesigning themselves as temples to consumerism. Their foyes looked like dreamy operatic backdrops, and Kastad in Berlin, Neuikon felt like New York, a superstore with a huge roof garden and a direct urban connection.
这些城市之间也在竞争，相互较量。它们争相建造宏伟的文化建筑，就像过去的诸侯国一样。在1927年末，忧心忡忡的外交部长施特雷泽曼询问杜伊斯堡市长，他该如何说服战胜国放弃对德国的赔款要求，而德国的花费却像是赢得了战争一般。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
The cities competed too and tried to trump one another. They rivalled one another with magnificent cultural buildings, as princely states did in former times. Late in 1927, a worried Foreign Minister Striesermann asked the mayor of the city of Dusburg how he could persuade the victorious powers to drop their reparation demands when Germany was spending as much money as if they had won the war.
普鲁士政府花费了1400万用于重建柏林歌剧院，最后可能总共支付超过2000万，因此全世界都在得出一个结论：我们显然财大气粗。没有任何一个战胜国做过这样的事情。同样，科隆市长康拉德·阿登纳正在建设一个大型展览馆，并夸耀其中安装了世界上最大的管风琴，这也给人同样的印象。科隆的新闻展览被描述为这个领域中有史以来最奢华的。法兰克福的音乐展览则出现了250万马克的赤字。德累斯顿还在用政府资金建设一个卫生博物馆。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
The fact that the Prussian state has spent 14 million on the rebuilding of the Berlin Opera House and may end up paying over 20 million in total is leading the whole world to the conclusion that we are obviously swimming in gold. No victorious state has done anything like this. The fact that Heradnauer, Konrad Adenauer, mayor of Cologne, is building a wonderful exhibition hall and boasting that he has installed the biggest organ in the world in it, has the same effect. The press exhibition in Cologne is described as the most luxurious that has ever been achieved in this field. Frankfurt Amine has a deficit of 2.5 million marks in its musical exhibition. Dresden is building a hygiene museum with government funds.
请您告诉我，当外国代表对我说这些事情看起来好像德国赢了而不是输了战争时，我应该怎么回答。我已经不知道如何回应这些指责了。那些用于让城市发展繁荣的贷款，比如新建的游泳池、剧院、音乐厅和住宅区，主要是通过德国银行从美国筹集的，和政府及商业贷款一样。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
Please, be so good as to tell me what I am supposed to say to the representatives of foreign powers when they say to me that all these things look as if Germany hadn't lost the war but won it. I no longer know how to respond to these accusations. The credits with which the blossoming cities financed their new swimming pools, theatres, concert halls and housing estates were, like the government and business credits, largely raised in America, although via the German banks.
这一策略一度实行得还不错，但对美元的依赖使德国陷入了美国大萧条的漩涡中。1929年，当美国的投机泡沫破裂时，美国取消了德国银行所计划的信贷，接着也对他们的客户采取了同样的措施。国家、企业和个人都失去了流动资金。钱变得稀缺而昂贵。最终，德国政府承担了更多的债务。特别是在1929年10月的黑色星期五，享誉全球的“火柴大王”克莱格尔为德国政府提供了超过1.25亿美元的贷款。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
This went reasonably well for a time, but dependence on the dollar dragged Germany into the maelstrom of the American Depression. In 1929, when the American speculation bubble burst, the Americans cancelled the credits that the German banks had planned, then did the same with their customers. The state, businesses and private individuals lost their liquid assets. Money became scarce and expensive. At last, the German government took on even more debts. With our Käiger, the world famous Match King gave the government a credit of over $125 million in October 1929 on Black Friday as it happened.
在20世纪20年代， 瑞典人凯格尔是那些资金紧张的国家寻求资金援助的人，他提供了大笔资金。作为回报，他要求获得火柴销售的垄断权，这让他在国际银行眼中具有信用价值。但即使这样的操作也最终失去了动力。1932年3月12日，这位国际金融界的明星埃娃·凯格尔在巴黎的公寓内自杀身亡。他的资金已经耗尽，他的帝国也濒临崩溃。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
In the 1920s, the Swede Käiger was the man that cash-strapped states approached for funds, which he supplied in huge quantities. In return, he demanded a monopoly for the sale of matches which made him credit-worthy in the eyes of banks that operated internationally. But even that carousel ran out of power. On 12 March 1932, Eva Käiger, the star of the international finance world, killed himself in his Paris apartment. Even he had run out of money and his empire was on the brink of collapse.
几乎整个世界都遭受了金融危机的打击。其中，文化界和德国受创最严重。建筑项目暂停，计划中的投资被取消，生产关闭。一个已经被提到并至今仍可见的例子是柏林亚历山大广场的空旷。围绕广场的一些美丽建筑，比如挂有99只石膏羊头的私人四层住宅、荣格药房、汉百货公司以及Ashena啤酒厅，已经被拆除，而广场东部地区的建筑项目被搁置并无限期推迟。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
Almost the whole world has succumbed to the financial illness. Culture and Germany were hit worst. Building projects were halted, planned investments cancelled, production closed down. One example which has already been touched upon and can still be seen today, the emptiness of Alexander Platz in Berlin. The wonderful buildings along its edge, the house with 99 sheepheads, a private four-story house with 99 stucco sheepheads on its façade, Jung's pharmacy, the Han Department store, the Ashena Beer Hall had already been demolished when building projects in the eastern part of the square were halted and postponed indefinitely.
美国投资者已经撤资。城市规划师马丁·瓦格纳的国际化广场愿景只能实现一半，由建筑师保罗·比尔兰斯设计的两座“新客观主义”建筑完成了这一半，而广场东侧则仍然未开发。即使在今天，这一地区仍然显得顽固且不可亲，通过任何形式的改造都无法改善。此处揭示了全球经济危机留下的巨大空白。预算平衡计划，不惜一切代价实现财政整顿。缺乏投资意味着工作机会减少。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
The American investors had pulled out. The vision of the city planner Martin Wagner for the cosmopolitan square could only be half-completed with the two Neuzechlichkeit building by the architect Paul Beerance, while to the east of the square simply remained undeveloped. Even today it has a stubborn inhospitability that plainly cannot be healed by any kind of makeover. It opens out into a huge void left by the global economic crisis. Black Zero, budgetary consolidation at any price. A lack of investment means less work.
接着是第一批解雇。失业人数增加，政府的财政状况却恶化了。就业问题不仅对受影响的人带来了压力，也让国家面临日益严重的挑战。失业保险最多可以覆盖80万人，必要时可以扩展到最多140万人。由社会民主党领导、以赫尔曼·米勒为总理的内阁由于如何照顾这些失业者的问题未能达成一致，于1930年3月倒台。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
The first dismissals followed. The number of unemployed grew while the state's finances shrunk. Employment wasn't only oppressive for those affected. It also put pressure on the state which mounted exponentially. Unemployment insurance was designed to cover a maximum of 800,000 people and could be extended if necessary to 1.4 million at the most. The Social Democrat led cabinet under Chancellor Helmand Miller collapsed in March 1930 in a dispute about how these people were to be cared for.
当米勒的伟大联盟解散时，保守党一如既往地主张减少社会福利支出，而社会民主党则支持提高税收和扩大福利投入。米勒辞职三天后，总统兴登堡决定支持保守党。他任命中间派政治家海因里希·布吕宁为总理。布吕宁是一位虔诚、淡泊且谦逊的人，在被任命为总理之前，他一直住在柏林工人阶级地区的两间带家具的房间里。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
When Miller's great coalition, the Conservative parties, as ever, had argued for a reduction of social benefits, the Social Democrats for higher taxes and welfare contributions. Three days after Miller's resignation, President Hindenburg decided to go with the Conservatives. He appointed as Chancellor, the centrist politician Heinrich Bruning, a pious, aesthetic, modest man who until his appointment had lodged in two furnished rooms in the working-class Berlin district of Al-Tmoa beat.
布鲁宁搬进了总理府，只带了一个手提箱，开始处理公务。他计划进行严格的经济紧缩措施，甚至不顾议会（国会）的反对。他的政府在议会中并不占多数，但通过总统的指令，旧内阁中的社会民主党部长被保守派取代。这是共和国的第一个所谓“总统内阁”，一个不是由议会选举而是由总统任命的政府。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
Bruning moved into the Chancellor's Palace to take up his business with only a suitcase. He had plans for a severe economy drive which he wanted to push through even against the wishes of the Reichstag. His government had no parliamentary majority behind it, but the SPD ministers of the old cabinet were replaced by Conservatives simply by the President's mandate. This was the first so-called Presidential Cabinet of the Republic, a government that wasn't elected by the Reichstag but appointed by the President.
这种与议会制决裂的行为在法律上是可能的，因为宪法中包含了一项紧急法令条款，用于在紧急情况下使国家能够继续运转。在组建政府时对多数规则的规避将对未来的发展产生影响，因为这意味着已经受损的议会声誉进一步恶化。通过排挤绝对实力最强的派别，支持保守精英建立少数派政府，兴登堡和布吕宁向威权国家迈出了明确的一步。许多人当时认为这一步是必要的，但这意味着将民主简化为一种"晴天"状态制度，无法组成可行的多数派。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
This break with parliamentarianism was legally possible by the instrument of an emergency decree included in the Constitution to keep the state capable of working in an emergency. The circumvention of majority rule in the formation of the government would have consequences for future developments, since it meant that the already bruised reputation of parliament deteriorated still further. With the displacement of the strongest fraction by far and the installation of a minority government in favour of Conservative elites, Hindenburg and Bruning took a clear step towards an authoritarian state. To see it as necessary as many did at the time meant reducing democracy to a fair weather form of state, incapable of putting together workable majorities.
兴登堡认为布吕宁是合适的人选，因为作为一个怀旧的天主教工会主义者，他承诺能够吸引部分劳工和他身后的雇主。这一开始确实奏效。被蒙蔽的德国社会民主党（SPD）在国会中勉强支持了他多次，主要因为他们认为他暂时阻止了更糟糕的事情发生。因此，尽管有痛苦的经济紧缩政策，布吕宁还是能在位两年零两个月。在此期间，物价、工资和社会福利支付都减少了，而失业人数增加。直到1932年6月1日，他被极端保守派的弗朗茨·冯·帕本取代，这再次是由与布吕宁关系恶化的年迈兴登堡所推动的，因为布吕宁已经被称为“饥饿总理”。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
Hindenburg considered Bruning to be the right man for the job, because as a backward-looking Catholic trade unionist he promised to appeal both to parts of the workforce and the employers behind him, and in this he would initially be right. The duped SPD repeatedly supported him through gritted teeth in the Reichstag at the last minute, because in their eyes he was initially preventing even worse things from happening. So in spite of his painful economy drive, Bruning was able to stay in power for two years and two months, in the course of which prices, wages and social welfare payments shrunk, and the number of unemployed increased. Until on 1 June 1932 he was replaced by the Arch-Reactionary Franz von Pärben, again at the instigation of the elderly Hindenburg who was on increasingly bad terms with the hunger chancellor as he had come to be known.
布吕宁之所以受到反对，不是因为他削减了对最贫困者的福利，而是因为他想削减对东普鲁士容克贵族和大地主的补贴，而兴登堡本人就是其中之一。布吕宁和他的内政和国防部长威廉·格吕纳还因为禁止了冲锋队（它们的行为被认为带有恐怖主义性质）而不得兴登堡朋友的欢心。然而，围绕着兴登堡的团体和武装力量的领导层（即国防军）却认为冲锋队是一个预备役军队，随时可以执行未来的重新武装政策，同时也是镇压工人暴动的重要工具。正因如此，布吕宁必须下台，强硬派保守势力在幕后掌握了权力。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
Not because Bruning was slashing welfare for the poorest, for example, but because he wanted to cut grants to East Prussian Yonkers, large landowners, and Hindenburg himself was one of those. Bruning and his interior and defence minister Wilhelm Grüner had also made themselves unpopular with Hindenburg's friends by outlawing the essay, whose behaviour had assumed terrorist features. But the group around Hindenburg and the leadership of the armed forces, the Reichswehr, saw the combat group as a reserve army ready to fulfil any future rearmament policy and as an important instrument for putting down workers uprisings. For that reason Bruning had to go, the hardline conservatives had assumed power in the background.
布吕宁是如何能坚持这么长时间的？他的严苛紧缩政策使得社会状况越来越糟。只有一个原因让他在两年的经济萧条中找到足够的支持来推动他的经济紧缩计划。通货膨胀的创伤在德国人心中仍然根深蒂固。无论如何，没人愿意再次增加货币流通量，通过增加福利支出来缓解危机。相反，国家走向了另一个极端，陷入了通货紧缩的境地。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
How was Bruning able to hold on for so long? His catastrophic austerity had made the social situation worse and worse. There was only one reason he was able to find enough agreement for his economy drive during two years of depression. The trauma of inflation still lay deep within German bones. Under no circumstances did anyone want to inflate the amount of money in circulation again and ease the crisis with increased welfare state payments. Instead the state had gone in the opposite direction, on the downward trajectory into deflation.
对于仍在旧条件下工作的任何人来说，最初价格下降看起来很有吸引力，因为生活水平似乎在提高。因此，这场危机被推迟了，并不是每个人都平等感受到的，这与通货膨胀不同，通货膨胀的影响无论是对于巨富还是小口袋的人来说都是一样的。收入随着价格下降而下降，最终导致失业，这完全是另外一回事，对于那些瞧不起蓝领工人的人来说，这几乎是不可想象的结果。但是，随着时间的推移，对工作的恐惧变得普遍。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
For anyone who still had a job under the old conditions, falling prices at first looked attractive, since standards of living even seemed to be rising. As a result the crisis was delayed and not equally felt by everyone, unlike inflation whose poison had an equal effect on both large fortunes and small purses. And the fact that incomes also fell with falling prices inevitably leading to job losses was a different matter altogether and was for many who looked down their noses at blue collar workers an almost unimaginable outcome. It was only over time that fear for jobs became universal.
对于民族主义者和在磁铁艾弗里特·哈根伯格右翼媒体帝国中的煽动者来说，导致困境的原因显而易见。在于战胜国对德国所提出的赔偿要求令德国人民受到了奴役，以及民主政党的绥靖政策背叛了国家利益。他们要求立即拒绝支付赔款。这样的要求早已习以为常，但由于公共财政的窘境，这一呼声变得更加强烈。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
For the nationalists and their agitators in magnet Eiffritt Hagenberg's right-wing media empire it was clear where the cause of the predicament lay. In the enslavement of the German people by the reparation demands of the victorious powers and the treasonable politics of appeasement of the democratic parties. They demanded an immediate refusal to pay. Such requests had been customary for some time but received further impetus as a result of the desperate state of the public coffers.
大多数德国人当时还不愿意参与其中。1929年底，一场反对《杨计划》的全民公投，由哈根贝格媒体大力宣传，但最终失败，因为只有13.9%的选民投了反对票。这一结果被民主派欢欣鼓舞地庆祝，认为是广大民众对共和国忠诚的最后体现。固然，几乎所有人都认为赔款负担极为沉重，但大多数人仍然相信可以通过文明的谈判解决。布吕尼认为，必须通过实际行动向战胜国证明，即便采取最严厉的紧缩措施，也无法支付如此高额的赔款。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
The majority of Germans weren't yet willing to join in, a referendum against the Young Plan called in late 1929 with a huge propaganda campaign by the Hagenberg press failed as the plan was rejected by only 13.9% of voters, a last sign triumphantly celebrated by the democrats of the loyalty of the wider majority towards the republic. Admittedly almost everyone saw the reparation burden as being wildly excessive. But most people still had faith in civilized negotiation. Brüning was convinced that it would have to be proven in practical terms to the victorious powers that the level of reparations demanded could not be mobilized even by the severest or sterity measures.
德国必须面临明显的饥饿，然后盟军才会最终理智地提出更温和的条件。为了迫使战胜国松口，他故意利用社会动荡的加剧。虔诚的强硬派称此为“将疾病变成武器”。这是一条冒险之路，以越来越多失业和无粮之人的饥饿与不满为代价。通货膨胀时期熟悉的极度困苦再次大规模出现。街角站着越来越多绝望的人，开始是单独一个人，后来成了一幅熟悉的画面。男人和女人穿着过去美好的日子里的体面西装，脖子上挂着“任何工作都接受”的牌子。他们几乎没有其他选择，因为失业救济金只能领取六周。由缴费获得的支持权很快变成慷慨施舍的慈善。男同性恋工人则完全没有任何救助，只能乞讨或偷窃度日，除非他们能找到一份短期工作。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
Germany would have visibly to starve and then the allies would finally see sense and offer more moderate conditions. He deliberately factored in a growing degree of social unrest to move the victors to relent. The pious hardliner called this making a weapon out of sickness. A risky path paid for with the hunger and discontent of a growing army of people without work or bread. Sheer misery, familiar from the years of inflation, returned on a mass scale. More and more desperate people could be seen standing on street corners, first individually, but then becoming a more familiar picture. Men and women in their fine office suits from better days with a sign around their necks. Any work accepted. They barely had any other options since unemployment benefit was only granted for 6 weeks. Entitlement to support paid for by contributions soon turned into charity generously bestowed. Gay labourers received nothing at all and were left with the only options of begging or stealing if they hadn't managed to find a short-term job.
早上，他们成群地站在市场大厅外面，争夺最好的位置，以防有商人出现并需要雇佣几个小时的工人。来自德曼赫斯特的一个纱线制造商成为了压垮骆驼的最后一根稻草。经济崩溃已经不可避免。最底层的人忍受着饥饿，而上层社会则面临破产的尴尬。1931年5月12日，达姆施塔塔和国家银行（简称丹纳银行）的董事雅各布·戈施米特失去了冷静。在一些关于这一事件的报道中，这位德国第二大银行的董事被指控曾将办公椅扔向他最好的客户的头部；在另一些报道中，他只是将椅子扔了出去。不管怎样，第一份报道中的受害者乔治·卡尔·劳森幸存了下来。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
In the morning they stood in crowds outside the market halls, tussling over the best places in case a trader showed up and wanted a dog's body for a few hours. A yarn manufacturer from Denmanhurst is the final straw. The plunge is unstoppable. For hunger gnawed at the bottom of society. In the upper echelons, the problem was the embarrassment of bankruptcy. On 12 May 1931, Jakob Göchmitt, director of the Damstetta und Natsionayebank, Danatbank for short, lost his composure. In some accounts of the event, the director of the second biggest bank in Germany is said to have thrown an office chair at the head of his best customer. In others, he is only supposed to have thrown it. Either way, Georg Karl Lausen, the victim in the first account, survived.
不久之前，他刚向他的银行家宣告自己完全破产，他欠了对方4800万帝国马克。劳森拥有位于登曼赫斯特北德的羊毛梳理和纺纱厂，这是世界第二大纺纱厂，雇佣了超过4500名工人，大部分是女性。这座工厂就像是一座独立的城市，有城墙、堡垒塔、幼儿园、自有医院、图书馆、宿舍，还有为行政和体力劳动者建造的房屋，这些房屋根据居民的职位等级在大小和质量上有所不同，全部使用北德的深红色砖块建造，是工业建筑的瑰宝。在最简陋的房屋内挤满了来自西里西亚和波兰的移民工人，当地人称他们为“羊毛鼠”。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
A short time before, he had declared himself utterly bankrupt to his banker, to whom he was 48 million Reichsmark in debt. Lausen owned the North German wool combing and Wustered spinning mill, not Voller for short, in Denmanhurst. There, over 4,500 workers, most of them women, manufactured Wustered wool in the second biggest mill in the world. It was like a city of its own, with city walls, a fortress tower, kindergarten's, its own hospital, lending libraries, dormitories, and houses for office and manual workers that varied in size and quality according to the ranks of their residents, all in North German Klinkerbrick, dark red and richly structured, a jewel of industrial architecture. Hammed together in the simplest houses were immigrant workers from Silesia and Poland, locally known as woolmice.
劳森家族在阿根廷已经经营了两代的大型农场和羊群，他们首先清洗从这些地方来的羊毛。这些羊毛装在巨大的捆里运抵德国的Bremer-Haffen，运到劳森工厂的铁路线上。这些羊毛有一半还沾满了油脂、沙土和粪便。在工厂里，首先用巨大的洗衣机（称为La Vyathans）清洗羊毛，去除阿根廷潘帕斯草原和漫长旅途带来的污垢。接下来，在打浆和梳理机的链条、传送带、滚筒和输送系统的震耳噪音中，羊毛被准备好进入真正的纺纱工序。这项工作存在一定危险，工厂自己的医院也总有病人。工厂建筑群延伸覆盖了大片区域，厂房屋顶挨在一起，用哥特式砖雕装饰。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
They first cleaned the wool that came from the big farms and flocks that the Lausens had owned in Argentina for two generations. The wool arrived in great bales, half of them still consisting of grease, sand and excrement, in Bremer-Haffen and was delivered directly by railway to Lausens factory. There, they first went to the La Vyathans, the name for the huge washing machines that liberated the wool from the dirt of the Argentinian Pampus and the long journey. After that, they were prepared for the actual spinning process, amidst the deafening noise of the chains, transmission belts, rollers and conveyor systems of the carding and combing machines. The work was not without its dangers, and the factory's own hospital could not complain of a shortage of patience. The factory buildings stretched out over a vast expanse, shed roof pressed against shed roof with gothic brick decorations.
总体而言，Naut-Vole 生产了全球四分之一的纱线。Lausen一家住在工厂区内，由他们的父亲建造的一座宏伟别墅里，用高高的篱笆、一大片前花园和一个他们家专属的大公园将其与工人们隔开。然而，对继承羊毛财富的风云人物来说，这座房子很快就变得太拥挤和沉闷。在瑞士不来梅附近风景如画的群山中，Georg-Kyle Lausen 将家族的旧夏季住所拆除，修建了拥有107间房间的豪华 Hoer-Hast 大厦。这座大厦在1928年准备完工，Georg-Kyle 终于可以按照他的地位生活了。尽管他的奢华风格与务实的北德国商人传统相悖，但由于他的慷慨，他被视为不来梅商界的一位受人尊敬的成员。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
Overall, Naut-Vole made a quarter of the world's yarn. The Lausens lived on the factory site in a magnificent villa built by their father, shielded from the eyes of the workers by a high hedge, a wide front garden and the extensive park that the family had all to itself. However, the house soon became too cramped and dingy for the dashing air to the wool fortune. In the idyllic nearby hills of Bremen, Switzerland, Georg-Kyle Lausens had the family's old summer residence torn down and built the palatial Hoer-Hast mansion, with 107 rooms. It was ready to move into by 1928, and at last Georg-Kyle was living in line with his station. The Prince of Wall was seen as a respectable, because generous, member of Bremen's business community, even though his ostentation put him at odds with the modest North German-Merkentile tradition.
为了在不来梅市中心引起轰动，劳森斯将他的商业帝国的管理部门从德尔曼-哈斯特搬到了这座城市。在他破产前不久，他在那里以大型企业总部的风格开了一栋办公楼。如今，这栋楼成为了不来梅地区财政局的所在地。到目前为止，Nordvollar公司在德国各地拥有 11 家制造工厂，以及几家子公司和 22 个销售网点。劳森斯甚至在中国和日本都设有代表。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
To make a stir in the centre of Bremen, Lausens moved the administration of his business empire from Delman-Hast to the city, where shortly before his bankruptcy, he opened an office building in the style of giant corporate headquarters. And today, it is home to Bremen's regional finance directorate. By now, Nordvollar owned 11 manufacturing plants throughout Germany, as well as several subsidiary companies and 22 sales outlets. Lausens even had representatives in China and Japan.
由于经济状况不佳，丹纳德银行对其债务人的账户余额进行了更仔细的审查。银行尤其担心其最大的客户——长期备受优待的劳森家族。1931年5月，忧心忡忡的银行家在他位于柏林的私人公寓中，邀请这位工厂主共进一次意味深长的晚餐。在甜点上桌时，劳森终于承认，多年来他一直在美化和伪造银行账户余额。他将部分债务转移到了他专门为此在荷兰成立的一家公司——Ultramarke 的账户中。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
Because of the poor economic situation, Danad Bank had taken a closer look at the balances of its debtors. The bank was especially concerned about its biggest customer, the long-pampered Lausens. In May 1931, the worried banker invited the factory owner to an inquisitorial dinner in his private Berlin apartment. The dessert course was accompanied by a revelation. Lausens had to admit that for years he had embellished and falsified his bank balances. He had moved some of the debts into the accounts of a firm called Ultramarke, which he had founded for this purpose in the Netherlands.
当 Lausens 最终承认这一点时，椅子飞了出去。Gulchmidt 简单地总结了情况：Nordvollar 完了，Danad 银行完了，Driesne 银行完了，我也完了。这还算轻描淡写。还有许多人完了，包括个人和银行。仅 Nordvollar 及其子公司就雇佣了22,300名办事员和体力工，这些人都担心失去工作。Danad 银行已经资不抵债。但这还不是全部。到了六月中旬，当 Gulchmidt 不得不公开这场危机时，所有德国储户和投资者的担忧进一步加剧了。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
When Lausens finally admitted this, the chair went flying. Gulchmidt summed the situation up succinctly. Nordvollar is done for. Danad Bank is done for. Driesne Bank is done for. I'm done for. That was an understatement. Many others were done for. People and banks. 22,300 office and manual workers were under contract to Nordvollar and its subsidiaries alone, and they feared for their jobs. Danad Bank was insolvent. But that was by no means everything. In mid-June, when Gulchmidt found himself obliged to go public about the debacle, the worries of all German savers and investors intensified.
焦虑动摇了整个信用体系。过去有许多银行倒闭，但Danad的情况特别严重。人们对经济的信任完全消失，没有任何地方被认为足够安全可以存放资金。紧张的救援行动让德意志帝国银行和外交部如坐针毡。几周前，美国总统赫伯特·胡佛宣布德国债务暂缓偿还，并开始处理战争赔款问题。法国本打算反对，但当胡佛宣布也允许推迟偿还法国债务时，他们开始重新考虑。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
Anxiety moved the whole credit system. Many banks had failed in the past, but the case of Danad was a special one. Trust in the economy was completely abandoned. Nowhere seemed safe enough to keep one's money. Feverish rescue attempts held the Reichsbank and the Foreign Office on Tentaholks. Weeks before, President Herbert Hoover of the United States had announced a moratorium on German debts, and the issue of reparations was finally addressed. But France was going to object, but had second thoughts when Hoover announced that he was also going to allow deferral of payment on French debts.
太晚了。1931年7月13日，达纳德银行、德里斯内银行和里恩斯-尚兰银行都关闭了营业柜台。这次的银行危机与1929年的黑色星期五不同，那次几乎没有引起重视，而这次却占据了各大报纸的头版好几天。兴登堡和布吕宁试图平息局势，并为储户的存款提供担保。这一做法75年后在2008年的银行危机中也被安格拉·默克尔和皮埃尔·施泰因布吕克采用。当时的德国总统承诺国家将防止达纳德银行破产，并确保其账户的安全。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
Too late. On the 13th of July 1931, Danad Bank, the Driesne Bank and the Rienes-Shalance Bank all closed their counters. This time the banking crisis, unlike the Black Friday of 1929, which had barely registered, was on the front pages of all the big newspapers for days. Hindenburg and Bruning tried to calm the situation and issued guarantees for the deposits of savers. A recipe that Angela Merkel and Pierre Steinbruck would follow 75 years later in the 2008 banking crisis. The President of the Reich gave his word that the state would prevent Danad Bank from going bankrupt and ensure its accounts were safe.
这在一定程度上起了作用，但还不够。为了应对Danad失败的消息，整个国家的人们纷纷前往银行提取储蓄。为了缓解最严重的恐慌并防止账户被掏空，布吕宁和兴登堡决定下令关闭银行两天。7月16日星期三，当银行重新开放时，《福瑟-沙兰斯报》的主笔对此事进行了总结。尽管形势严峻，他很高兴地注意到，习惯于动荡和街头斗争的柏林这座城市仍然保持着相对平静。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
That helped to some extent, but it wasn't enough. In response to news of the failure of Danad, people across the Reich streamed to their banks to withdraw their savings. To wait out the worst of the panic and keep accounts from being emptied, Bruning and Hindenburg responded by ordering two days of bank closures. On Wednesday the 16th of July when the counters opened again, the leader-writer of the Fosse-Shalance summed the matter up. In spite of the oppressive situation, he was pleased to note that the city of Berlin, which was accustomed to unrest and street battles, had remained quite peaceful.
银行关闭了两天，却没有任何东西化为灰烬。这几乎像个奇迹。记者表达了希望，希望柏林人将来能保持这样平静，并巧妙地呼吁他们的男子气概。每个人都有可能失去的东西，他们只有幻想。但男子气概意味着不被失去的威胁打败。观察到一个城市、一个国家都变得有男子气概，那是件美丽的事。这就是令人振奋的柏林体验。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
Two days of bank closures had gone by and nothing had gone up in smoke. It seemed almost like a miracle. The journalist expressed his hope that Berliners would remain as serene as this in future and appealed with teachally cunning to their manliness. Everyone has something to lose. They have only illusions. But manliness means not being defeated by the threat of loss. Observing that a whole city, a whole country, has become manly. That is the beautiful thing. That is the uplifting Berlin experience.
在这场突如其来的命运紧急状况中，我们都深受其影响。在对和平状态的情感反应中，即便再阴郁，也隐藏着对长期困扰国家的混乱局势的焦虑。作者接着指出，一个变得刚毅的人们，必须克服对争论、责骂和无谓怀疑的“女性化”偏好。自信永远是刚毅的一部分，是一种虔诚的愿望。这种教育性的愿望意在呼唤那些每日喧闹打斗的好斗男子汉的荣誉感，揭示了德国的城镇和乡村已经变得多么不安宁。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
In the midst of a fateful emergency that has so suddenly afflicted us all. Hidden in this emotional response to a state of peace, however gloomy, was anxiety about the uproar that had for so long gripped the country. A people that has become manly, the author went on, must also overcome the feminine liking for argument, scolding and fruitless mistrust. Self-confidence must always be a part of manliness, a pious wish. This pedagogical desire to appeal to the macho honor of the turbulent men who were engaging in brawls on a daily basis shows how uncomfortable Germany's cities and villages had become.
在过去一年中，可能具有暴力倾向的极右翼一直是国会中第二强大的派别。如果说在1928年，国家社会主义德国工人党（NSDAP）在国会选举中只获得2.6%的选票，还被视为一个无足轻重的小党派的话，那么在1930年的选举中，他们的得票率已经达到了18.3%，而与此同时，社会民主党的支持率下降了5%。尽管社会民主党以24.6%的支持率依然是国会中最强大的派别，但由于兴登堡的紧急法令，他们仍然处于反对派的位置。《福塞约特时报》称，由于兴登堡的偏袒，布宁的小型内阁成了一个无声的独裁政权。同时，在政治边缘地区，暴力的可能性日益增加，任何事情都谈不上“无声”。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
The potentially violent far right had been the second strongest faction in the Reichstag for over a year. If the NSDAP had still been correctly seen as an insignificant splinter party in 1928 with 2.6% of the vote in the Reichstag election of 1930, it had received 18.3% while the SPD had lost 5%. With 24.6%, the social democrats were still the strongest faction but because of Hindenburg's emergency decree, they were still in the opposition. The Fossejot Zeitung called Booning's minority cabinet by Hindenburg's favour a silent dictatorship. Meanwhile, on the political margins, the potential for violence was becoming increasingly likely and anything but silent.
在1931年10月的布伦瑞克，纳粹党展示了他们在议会之外寻求权力的决心。该党从全国各地调来了数以万计身着制服的人，在这个小镇上举行了冲锋队的火炬游行。游行之后，他们在中世纪风格的工人阶级街区大肆破坏，意图恐吓居民，其中两人在街头斗争中身亡。虽然参与的人数没有达到声称的10万人，但这个结果已经足够令人生畏。媒体认为这次“表演”是内战的彩排，这种看法非常正确。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
In Braunschfeig in October 1931, the NSDAP demonstrated that it was seeking power outside of parliament. The party bust in tens of thousands of uniformed men from across the whole of the country for an SA torchlit procession through the little town. After that, they ran rampage through the medieval working class district to intimidate its residents, two of whom were fatally injured in the street battles. If the claimed number of 100,000 participants had not quite been reached, the result was intimidating enough. The press saw the spectacle as a dress rehearsal for civil war. Quite rightly.
在他的日记中，安格鲁夫·古贝尔斯将布伦施维格游行解读为一个不可改变的最终目标的宣布。他还提到了几天前成立的一个联盟，名为“哈兹布尔加·冯特”，这个联盟包括钢盔团和其他竞争性的国家反对力量。对于这些力量，他和希特勒心里实际上是瞧不上的，只是将其视为战术上的阶段性目标。尽管如此，他们的目标却非常明确：掌握所有的权力，且是不可分割和无情的权力。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
In his journal, Angreuf Gubbels interpreted the Braunschfeig march as the announcement of the unalterable end goal. He also referred to the alliance formed a few days before under the name Hadsburga Font with the Stahlhelm and other competing forces of the national opposition which he and Hitler secretly despised as a tactical partial goal. They could hardly have been clearer about what they were after, all the power undivided and ruthless.
失业且未领取福利的人数，到目前为止，失业人数已经攀升至450万，自1928年以来增加了三倍。到1932年，又有150万人加入了这支不幸的队伍。几乎难以想象的大规模失业已经出现。现在，几乎30%的劳动力失业，其中工会会员的失业率更是高达43.7%。总体失业人数实际上更高，因为许多人没有登记失业。他们去了乡下，希望在那里能更容易糊口，还有一些人失去了福利，被迫依靠慈善捐助，或者放弃在办公室外排队找工作，转而采取一些见不得人的手段来赚钱。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
Unemployed and not on benefits, by now the number of unemployed had climbed to 4.5 million, having trebled within the three years since 1928. In 1932, these unfortunate people were joined by an additional 1.5 million. Mass unemployment on an almost unimaginable scale. Almost 30% of the workforce was now unemployed and among trade union members, this rose to 43.7%. The total unemployment was somewhat higher as many people abstained from registering their joblessness. They went to the countryside in the hope of being able to get by more easily there while others had their benefits stopped and were thrown back on charity handouts or gave up standing in queues outside the offices and looking for work and instead resorted to underhand means of making money.
随着失业大军的壮大，无家可归者的人数也在增加。在柏林的大街小巷和空地上，零星出现了破旧的帐篷，不过很快就被警察清理了。成千上万的人搬进了分配给他们的小地块，非法住在他们自己搭建的简陋棚屋中。这些由业余花园变成的实际贫民区，被称为Stemple Lido。当然，与那些在为无家可归者提供避寒场所的冰冷房间里徘徊的人相比，这已经算是奢侈了。许多凄惨的人群挤在柏林Akashtrasse旧电车车库的长凳下，这个地方的加热炉和复杂的管道系统不断提供过高的温度。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
With the army of the unemployed, the numbers of homeless were also growing. Here and there, the first ragged tents were seen on Berlin streets and vacant lots before they were quickly cleared by the police. Countless thousands moved into allotments and lived there illegally in drafty shacks that they had cobbled together themselves. These colonies, which had turned from hobby garden plots into actual slums, were known as Stemple Lido. A luxury of course in comparison with the situation of others who loitered about in the grim warm rooms set up for homeless people to survive the icy winter days. A miserable crowd crammed under the benches of the former tram depot in Akashtrasse in Berlin which was constantly overheated by glowing stoves and a complicated system of pipes.
热得令人窒息，仿佛地狱一般。数百个未洗的身体、破旧脏污的衣服的气味，以及劣质烟草的烟雾在热浪中翻腾滚动。尽管走廊挤得水泄不通，需要用双手才能挤出一条路，但各种交易在此随处可见：旧货店、废品市场，甚至有人体买卖。如果有人有些闲钱，想要寻求安静，可以在挤满了人的酒馆里坐上几个小时，喝着啤酒。这里各种各样的亚文化盛行，包括因为贫困而出现的离奇卖淫，由震耳欲聋的乐队推动着——那些受挫的音乐人拼尽全力演奏，只为那越来越少的赏金。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
So hot that it stinks hellishly. The emanations of hundreds of unwashed bodies, worn and dirty clothes, and the clouds of bad tobacco seethe and boil in the heat. Even though the corridors were so packed that it took both hands to push one's way through, deals were being struck everywhere, a rag shop, a junk bazaar, even human bodies were on sale. Anyone who had a little money and liked things quieter could sit around for hours over a beer in one of the crowded pubs where a huge variety of subcultures blossomed, including bizarre forms of poverty-driven prostitution spurred on by deafening bands in which frustrated musicians played their hearts out for a shrinking pot of money.
每隔一段时间，富裕阶层的人们会从繁华的地区来到这些混乱不堪的地方进行所谓的“贫穷旅游”。即便没有那些藏污纳垢的交易、奇异的音乐和卖弄的性工作者表演，这些地方也不乏压抑的气氛。1932年，美国驻柏林记者胡伯特·伦弗洛·尼克博克观察到，在柏林维丁区的某个酒馆里，有四十个人却几乎没有人在面前的桌上放着饮料，只有两个喝麦酒的老人除外。他们都坐在那里，愁眉苦脸。尼克博克在《纽约晚报》中得出结论：当一个德国人穷得连一杯啤酒也买不起的时候，他就真到了穷困潦倒的地步了。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
Every now and again, well-to-do citizens from the better districts would come to such infernos for the purposes of poverty tourism. Even without the nefarious deals, the outlandish music and the exhibitionist displays of sex workers, however, they were hardly less oppressive. The American Berlin correspondent Hubert Renfro Nicobocker observed in 1932 that in one Berlin pub, some own fritz in the Vedding district, there were forty people but none with a drink in front of them apart from two old men who had settled from malt beer. They all sat there brooding. When a German is so poor that he can't afford to buy himself a glass of beer, he has reached the bottom, he concluded in the New York evening post.
拥有五十芬尼克闲钱的人可以在庇护所过夜。经验丰富的无家可归者拒绝对他们的衣服进行消毒，尽管这服务是庇护所的一部分。他们告诉约瑟夫·霍特，消毒会毁坏他们的衣服。他们宁愿身上有完好的虱子，也不愿衣服变得更加破烂。在施卢玛母亲——即“睡母亲”奥尔加经营的机构里，过夜的费用要便宜十芬尼克。恩斯特·哈夫特纳在他的社会报告小说《血盟兄弟》中，描绘了一群失业年轻人的形象，其中就提到了这位施里西亚的奥尔加。她在东柏林的一间地下室公寓里开了一家夜间庇护所，这是许多私人经营的，位于破旧庭院建筑里的庇护所之一。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
Anyone with fifty fenix to spare spent the night in a shelter. Seasoned homeless people refused to have their clothes disinfected even though it was part of the service there. Disinfection destroyed people's clothes, they told Joseph Hort. They would rather live with undamaged lice than with even more ragged clothes. It was ten fenix cheaper at the institution run by Schlumma Mutter, Sleep Mother Olga, about whom Ernst Haftner wrote in his social reportage novel Blüdsbrueder Blood Brothers, the portrait of a clique of jobless young people. Silesian Olga ran a night shelter in a basement apartment in East Berlin, one of many privately run shelters in the run down Hinterhof buildings.
在她的两个房间的地板上，她铺上了草垫子，每晚都有一群因命运捉弄而聚集在一起的人睡在那里。如果有人付不起四十芬尼，不过长得好看，就可以免费和她同床共枕。哈夫特纳写道，但奥尔加只不过是一堆嘎嘎作响的骨头。她在过夜费用方面的慷慨让年轻人感到害怕。几乎没有人不带钱去旅馆，因为他们知道等待他们的是什么。这样一来，唯一剩下的住宿选择就是这些街角处的一些沙坑。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
On the floors of two rooms she had laid out straw sacks on which a horde of people thrown together by fate slept every night. If someone couldn't afford the forty fenix and was good looking enough he could spend the night for free in her bed. Haftner wrote, But Olga is just a pile of rattling bones. Her generosity with regard to the overnight fee is feared by the young men. Hardly anyone goes to the hostel without money because he knows what awaits him. Then the only remaining option of a place to stay was one of the many sandboxes that stood on some of the street corners.
有人会躺在那儿存放的沙石上，那些沙石是用来应对黑冰的。如果没有这种材料，就得 "珊" ，也就是在夜里走街串巷，拼命和致命的困意作斗争，希望第二天能在酒馆里补觉。有两个年轻人，他们的命运正在被埃尔恩斯特·哈夫特纳研究，想出了一个办法来获得最珍贵的资源：工作。歌曲给了他们一点启动资金，他们聪明地做了投资。他们挨家挨户地卖旧鞋，还尽量把它们修好，以赚取一点小利润。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
One would lie down on the grit that was stored there for use against black ice. If there wasn't any one would have to tip in, foot it, the term applied to roaming the night streets, battling against fatal sleep, which one hoped one could catch up on in the pub the next day. Two of the young people whose fate Ernst Haftner was researching had found a trick for getting hold of the most valuable asset of all, work. Chants put a bit of money in their hands and they invested it cleverly. They went from apartment door to apartment door selling old shoes. They repaired them as well as they could and sold them for a small profit.
在几周的时间里，他们成功地成为了独立的公民，能够靠自己的智慧赚钱。1930年，奥尔什丁出版了一本名为《德意志工作》的摄影集，在早期的艰难岁月里，这本书如同一声惊雷。副标题是《德国复苏的景象》。这本书收录了92张由埃米尔·奥托·霍普拍摄的照片，他是当时最著名的摄影师之一，活跃于整个欧洲，尤其是在英国。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
For a few weeks they had managed to be independent citizens who were able to make money by using their own wits. Work and Home, The Land of Timeless Industry In 1930 a volume of photographs published by Olshdyne crashed into the early years of misery. It was called Deutsche Arbeit German work. It was the subtitle Pictures of Germany's Resurgence. It contained 92 photographs by Emil Otto Hoppe, one of the best known photographers of his time who worked all over Europe, above all in the United Kingdom.
欧尔什迪恩将霍普的工业照片转化为一份简洁有力的文档，展示了普罗米修斯般的巨大力量，其中有巨型涡轮机厂、冒烟的焦炉以及如同两层楼高的电动机。在标题空间解决之后，还包括火车轨道、桥梁、无线电塔、工厂缆车、漂浮的小麦起重机以及正在建造中的齐柏林飞艇的照片。所有这些都被拍摄为成长与设计的纪念碑，展现出它们的庄重力量。照片中展示了钢铁、电线和混凝土的景观，其中矗立着铁制巨人，微小的人们在其中穿梭，为它们提供煤炭和石油。大多数的照片中并没有人物出现。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
Olshdyne turned Hoppe's industrial pictures into a concise document of Promethean power, gigantic turbine plants, smoking coke furnaces, electric motors the size of two story houses. With a heading space overcome there were pictures of train tracks, bridges, radio towers, factory cable cars, floating wheat cranes, a Zeppelin under construction. All photographed as monuments of growth and design captured in all their sober power. The images showed landscapes of steel, wire and concrete, iron giants among which tiny looking men moved, feeding them with coal and oil. Most of the pictures were free of people.
这些巨大植物仿佛是自主运转的，仿佛已经使他们的创造者变得多余。它们看起来就像是一个幽灵般完全理性的世界的主角。整个景观就像一个工厂，被如此完美地自动化，以至于几乎将所有人类都排除在生产过程之外。在这样的背景下，作者布莱诺·H·贝尔古在该书卷首所写的一句话可能显得格外奇怪。他在《劳动之歌》的标题下写道：只有劳动才能给人带来生活的快乐。贝尔古，一位坚定的社会民主主义者，引用了一个广泛流传的观念，即只有一种真正的贵族，那就是"汗水浇灌的贵族"。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
It was as if these huge plants were autonomous and had made their creators superfluous. They looked like the protagonists of a ghostly fully rationalised world. A landscape turned factory so perfectly automated that it had excluded almost all human beings from its production process. A sentence from the foreword to the volume written by the author Brönor H. Berggu must have seemed strange in context. Only work gives one a right to joy in life, he wrote under the title The Song of Labour. Berggu, a convinced social democrat, cited the widespread idea that there was only one true nobility, which was that of the sweaty brow.
通过努力工作取得了会员资格。他描绘了一幅田园诗般的忙碌国家图景，这个国家的劳动力分工使其成为家园，而这只能通过所有人的辛勤劳动来实现。他说，德意志的祖国是一个不懈劳作的土地，是矿山和窑炉的国度，是拥有轧钢厂和无数纺锤的地方。在这里，农民与漫长的冬季和节俭的大地展开较量。这片土地位于大陆的中心，长长的货运列车向四面八方延伸。宽广的河流承载着黄金般的货物，吊车日夜不停地在满载的集装箱旁作业。20世纪的德国劳动复杂而多样。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
Membership was acquired by hard work. He drew idyllic pictures of a busy country with a division of labour, which could only become a home through the hard graft of all. He said, The German fatherland is the land of tireless labour, the land of mines and kilns, of rolling mills and millions of spindles. It is the land in which the farmer does battle with a long winter and frugal mother earth, the land in the middle of a continent through which the kilometre long queues of goods trains travel in all directions of the compass. The wide rivers bear golden burdens, the cranes rattle day and night by full storage containers. Infinitely complicated, infinitely diverse in German labour in the 20th century.
一个世纪，既需要铁匠也需要精密工程师，还需要在发电厂控制室里的那个人，为整个省提供光和电。纺织机旁哼着小曲的小工人。到1930年，这本书出版时，甚至在随后的两年里，这些话对读者来说似乎就是一种嘲讽。当初乌尔斯坦计划这本书的时候是在几个月前，伯格尔写下这首劳动颂歌时，他们不可能预料到，这本书的问世正值经济危机最猛烈的初期，几百万的人即将为生活中的一点快乐而喧嚷。虽然出版时间不巧，但这更清楚地表明了情势的急转直下，因为就在经济危机前不久，伯格尔还能毫无歉意地表达劳动与幸福之间的联系。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
A century that needs both the blacksmith and the precision engineer, the man in the control room of an electricity plant that supplies a whole province with light and power. The little worker humming her little song at the spinning machine. By 1930, when the volume was published and even more so in the two years that followed, that must have seemed like sheer mockery to its readers. When Ulstein had planned the book many months before and Bergl had written his hymn to labour, they could have had no sense that it was coming out at the beginning of the most violent economic crisis and that 6 million people would soon be clamouring for the right to a bit of joy in life. Poor timing, but it does show, or the more clearly, just how far things had fallen because so soon before the economic crisis, Bergl was still able to express the connection between labour and happiness without the slightest apology.
根据德国的传统观念，社会地位与工作密切相关，这意味着失业尤其令人痛苦。“不劳动者不得食”这句话源于使徒保罗，被阿道夫·希特勒和共产主义领袖恩斯特·希勒曼引用，并在德国民间谚语中占有相当重要的地位。因此，失业的人不可避免地违背了一条普遍的准则。他失去了归属感，觉得自己是依附于那些推动现代生活的忙碌引擎上的寄生者。他感到无家可归。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
According to German tradition, social status was strongly bound up with work, which meant that Jobloss was particularly devastating. He who does not work shall not eat. The quotation from the Apostle Paul was used by both Adolf Hitler and the communist leader Ernst Hillemann and ranked quite high in the canon of German folk wisdom. A jobless person was thus inevitably breaking a universal commandment. He lost a sense of belonging. He felt like a freeloader at the expense of those who constituted the busy engine that kept modern life going. He felt homeless.
失业者不梦想革命。在他们的困境中，失业者很快成为政治煽动的目标。共产主义者和纳粹煽动者混迹于劳工交易所外的队伍中，试图施加影响。右翼先锋恩斯特·荣格将失业者视为一个后备军，用于建立即将来临的威权国家。在这里隐藏着另一种资产，而这种资产是资产阶级思想所无法揭示的。数百万无所事事的人，这个事实本身就是力量，是根本资本。一种为新反资产阶级国家建设的心理资本，荣格欣喜地看到了这种国家的崛起。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
The Jobless Don't Dream of Revolution. In their misery, the unemployed quickly became targets of political agitation. Communist and Nazi provocateurs mingled among the queues outside the labour exchanges and tried to make an impression. Ernst Jünger, pioneer of the far right, saw the unemployed as a reserve army with which the authoritarian state of the near future could be established. Hidden here is another form of wealth that bourgeois thought is incapable of revealing. Millions of men without occupation, that very fact is power, is fundamental capital. Psychological capital for the construction of the new anti-bourgeois state that he joyfully saw on the rise.
然而，失业者并不像荣格想象的那样容易被煽动。失业带来的影响尽管是集体性的，但每个人都要独自承受。虽然突然失去工作的人有上百万，但他们觉得自己不得不完全依靠自己。他们失去了同事，也失去了长时间以来所处的社会环境。刚一收到解雇通知和未来的祝福，最后一次走出公司大门时，失业者就会发现自己以一种全新的视角来看待这个世界——他们从外部看待一切。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
However, the Jobless were not as easy to agitate as Jünger thought. Unemployment was a collective destiny that was endured individually. Even though there were millions who were suddenly without work, they saw themselves as being entirely thrown back on their own devices. They had lost their colleagues and most of the social milieu in which they had spent their daily lives for so long. No sooner had a Jobless person received his dismissal papers along with best wishes for the future and stepped into the street through the company gates for the last time, he saw the world differently, he saw it from outside.
因此，他发现自己孤身一人，尽管有六百万人和他一样面临着相同的命运，还有数百人和他一起挤在温暖的房间里。这是失业者不幸的一部分，因为他们并未形成一个社会阶层，他们的命运和其他人的联系只限于某种负面且不存在的东西。只有缺乏某种东西，即失业，才能定义他们的存在。这就是为什么连接他们与他人的纽带如此脆弱的原因。当他们坐在一起时，往往只是阴郁地注视着前方，彼此保持距离，并避免目光交接。这至少是表现主义画家卡尔·霍夫在他那幅著名的1932年画作《失业者》中所看到的情景。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
So he found himself alone, even though there were six million who shared his fate and hundreds with whom he crammed into the warm room. It was part of the misfortune of the unemployed, that they didn't form a social class, that their fate was only connected with that of other people by something negative and non-existent. It was only the lack of something, Joblessness, that defined their existence. That was why the bond that connected them with the others was so weak. When they sat together, they often stared gloomily ahead of them, moved away from one another and avoided meeting each other's eyes. At least, that was how the expressionist Karl Horfer saw things in his famous painting Unemployed from 1932.
他把背景中的树木画得仿佛是它们，而不是那些冷漠的人，在向天空伸展双臂。由于彼此之间的隔离，失业者相对来说缺乏组织性。在工会运动中有几千人的失业群体，主要是来自重工业工厂的前工人。共产党偶尔会组织反对失业的饥饿游行和抗议活动。例如，1930年3月6日被定为国际失业者日，当时欧洲的一些城市举行了大规模的示威活动，但没有明显的效果，连共产党出版的杂志《Diorta Fana》也承认这一点。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
He painted the trees in the background as if they, rather than the apathetic men, were stretching their arms into the sky. Because of their isolation from one another, the unemployed remained relatively unorganized. Groups of Jobless within the trade union movement, of which there were several thousand, were limited to the former workers from the factories of heavy industry. Every now and again, the Communist Party managed to organize hunger demonstrations and protests against unemployment. For example, the 6th of March, 1930, was named International Day of the Unemployed, when large-scale demonstrations were held in European cities, with no discernible effect, as even Diorta Fana, the Communist Party Journal, admitted.
经常在劳工交流中心和福利办事处发生无序的骚乱和打斗。那里的人们神经紧绷，争吵很快升级，变得嘈杂和暴力，直到火星溅到那些已经排了好几个小时队的人们身上。愤怒的人群强行闯入办公室，把文件和家具扔出窗外，并把工作人员赶出大楼。接着，他们开始破坏场所，直到两大批警察赶到，警棍挥舞起来。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
More often, there were anarchic disturbances and fights in labour exchanges and welfare offices. Nerves there were on the edge, and arguments quickly escalated, becoming noisy and violent, until the spark passed to the people who had been standing in line for hours. Furious crowds forced their way into the offices, through files and furniture out of the windows, and chased the officials out of the building. Then they set about trashing the place, until two massive cohorts of police arrived and the truncheons flew.
为使冲突更加有序和有纪律，共产党为失业者组织了自卫行动，这些失业者在办公室中站岗，当骚乱爆发时组织有序撤退，并在晚上举行游行，与对手交换拳脚。然而，总体而言，他们动员的尝试结果令人失望，正如他们自己多次承认的那样。德国共产党（KPD）缺乏制订详细社会政策要求的动力，因为他们不想引起改革幻想，即认为在任何领域仍可以取得显著进步。好的社会政策就是清楚地表明获得权力的必要性。自1929年以来，德国共产党再次依靠革命，希望像纳粹党（NSDAP）一样，要么推翻整个体系，要么什么也不做。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
To bring more order and discipline to the conflict, the Communist Party organized self-defense cause for the jobless, who stood guard in the offices, organized orderly retreats when riots broke out and marched in the evening against the essay, where they exchanged blows with their opponents on the other side. Overall, however, the results of their attempts at mobilisation were disappointing, as they themselves repeatedly confessed. The KPD lacked the motivation for detailed socio-political demands, because they didn't want to stir the reformist illusion that significant improvements could still be achieved in any area. Good socio-politics meant clearly showing the necessity of winning power. Since 1929, the KPD had relied once again on revolution, like the NSDAP, it wanted the overthrow of the whole system or nothing.
然而，那些曾经属于中产阶级的失业者对于接受无产阶级专政几乎没有兴趣。而对其他人来说，德国共产党(KPD)关于充分就业的老套主张听起来就像陈词滥调。1930年，KPD的中央委员会宣布了一项旨在实现德国人民民族和社会解放的计划声明。通过与苏联建立强大的经济联盟，引入七小时工作日和四天工作周，并提高大众的购买力，我们将消除世界上的失业问题。劳动将成为一种义务。我们将以布尔什维克式的无情态度实施这个原则，所有的资产阶级游手好闲者，谁不工作，就不得吃饭。然而，这对于那些在就业交换所外面和温暖房间里的失业者来说，似乎与现实相去甚远。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
The once-middle class jobless, however, felt little inclination to embrace a dictatorship of the proletariat. And to everyone else, the KPD's unchanging recipes for full employment sounded like so many clichés. In 1930, the central committee of the KPD announced a program declaration for the national and social liberation of the German people. By introducing the seven-hour day and the four-day working week through a strong economic alliance with the Soviet Union and by raising the purchasing power of the masses, we will expunge unemployment from the world. Labour would become a duty. With Bolshevist ruthlessness, we will enforce the principle to all bourgeois idlers. He who does not work shall not eat. That must have seemed fairly remote from reality to the unemployed outside the labour exchanges and in the warm rooms.
失业并没有导致显著的社会不服从行为，而是导致了沮丧和冷漠。任何没有顽强抵抗这一无目标状态的人，都有可能失去内心的平衡。大多数失业者逐渐失去了时间观念。无所事事的习惯意味着即使是最简单的任务也需要耗费巨大的努力。而且家务和个人卫生也被忽视了。由三位年轻的社会心理学家于1932年在一个失去所有工作岗位的奥地利工厂村开展的社会学研究《Marine-Tyle的失业者》提到，生活的各种表现都在缩减。尽管村民们现在有更多的时间，例如，村图书馆的借阅量却急剧下降，即便那是免费的。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
Unemployment led not to demonstrative acts of social disobedience, but to resignation and apathy. Anyone who didn't stubbornly fight against this aimlessness threatened to lose their internal balance. Most unemployed people gradually lost their sense of time. The habit of doing nothing meant that even the simplest tasks required a massive effort. And homes and hygiene were neglected. The sociographic study, the unemployed of Marine-Tyle, carried out by the three young social psychologists in 1932 in the Austrian Factory Village that had lost all of its employment, spoke of a shrinking of the expressions of life. Even though the inhabitants now had a lot more time, for example, the number of loans from the village library declined sharply, even though it was free.
有一位村民说：“过去我能把工人报纸背下来。现在我只看一眼就扔掉了。即便我有更多的时间。”政治是为有工作的人准备的。失业者则像局外人，他们甚至失去了参与社会边缘酝酿中的内战的权利。只有年轻人试图与他人接触。他们通过左右两派的战斗单位进行联系，许多儿童和青少年的团伙中，根据性别，领导者被称为“公牛”或“母牛”。国家社会主义德国工人党（纳粹党）在选举中的支持率与失业人数成比例上升，但这并不意味着主要是失业者在为希特勒投票。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
One villager said, "In the old days I learned the workers' newspaper off by heart. Now I just take a look at it and throw it away. Even though I have more time." Politics was for people in work. The unemployed saw the world as outsiders, who had lost even the right to get involved in the civil war that was brewing on the edges of society. Only the young tried to make contact with others. And doing so via the combat units on right and left were the many gangs of children and teenagers whose leaders were known as Bull or Cow according to their sex. The fact that the electoral successors of the NSDAP rose in proportion to the unemployment figures does not mean that it was primarily the unemployed who voted for Hitler.
相反，他们大多仍然忠于自己一直支持的政党。对于纳粹成功而言，更重要的是那些仍在工作的人对失业的恐惧。这种恐惧使中产阶级激进化，并将他们推向了国家社会主义者。在小说《小人物，现在怎么办》中，汉斯·法拉达笔下的皮内贝格说：“我一直在想着失业的人。”这位忧心忡忡的丈夫和父亲仍在曼达百货商店的男装部担任销售员，但他对未来感到担忧。有时我想，如果我失去了工作可能反而是件好事，因为那样我就不必再担心这种感觉以及人们是如何忍受的。这样一来，你总是在压力之下。当你已经跌到谷底时，就不必担心自由落体了。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
On the contrary, they mostly remained loyal to the parties they had always voted for. More important for the success of the Nazis was fear of unemployment among those still in work. The fear of falling radicalized the middle class and drove them towards the national socialists. "I think constantly about the unemployed," says Hans Faladars Pinneberg, in the novel Little Man What Now. Care worn and anxious, the husband and father is still clinging on to his job as a salesman in the men's wear section of the Mandal department store, but worries about the future. And sometimes I think it would be a good thing if I lost my job, because then I wouldn't have to worry about what it's like and how people bear it. This way you're always under pressure. When you've reached the bottom, you don't need to worry about freefall.
知识分子和艺术家在全球经济危机中承受了特别大的压力。除了少数例外情况外，他们很少享有长期稳定的工作，并且无论是直接还是间接地依赖于公众的支付能力。那些按行数付费的记者是受读者数量下降影响的第一批人。有创意想法的作家或等待任务的作家在《贝利纳日报》的等候室中一坐就是几个小时。许多知识分子年轻时以为自己到晚年可以依赖继承的钱财或信托基金来生活。德语中有一个词叫"Renton Kunstler"，意思是有退休金的艺术家。然而，通货膨胀打破了他们的计划，迫使他们进入了我们现在称为"临时就业阶层"的状态。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
Intellectuals and artists came under particular pressure from the global economic crisis. Only in a few rare cases did they enjoy permanent employment, and they were either indirectly or directly dependent on the public's ability to pay. Journalists who were paid by the line were the first to be affected by declining reader numbers. They advanced writers with an idea to pitch or waiting for an assignment sat for hours in the waiting room of the Bellina Tagoblad. In their youth, many intellectuals had assumed that they were going to be able to rely on inherited money or trust funds later in life. The German term was Renton Kunstler, pension artists. Inflation had shattered their plans and forced them into what we would now call the Prokeriaat.
历史学家约克·施皮塔 (Jok Shpita) 描述了知识分子的状况，称像瓦尔塔本雅明 (Valtavenjamin) 和恩斯特·布洛赫 (Ernst Bloch) 这样的知识分子，在某种程度上是无根的，因为他们被抛入市场，没有固定的职位，没有社会或养老保险，也没有经济支持，比以往任何一代都更甚。这种情况适用于左翼和右翼知识分子，也包括一般的自由职业学者。许多纳粹党（NSDAP）成员来自大学和学生圈子，不仅因为他们的自负傲慢，还因为他们的职业前景异常糟糕。到1932年，纳粹党在学生组织中已经占据主导地位。工人之间的荣誉受到生产性资本和寄生性资本的创伤，以及反犹太主义。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
The historian Jok Shpita wrote about the situation of the intelligentsia, saying, intellectuals like Valtabenjamin and Ernst Bloch were free floating above all in the sense that they had been thrown into the market without a fixed position, without social or pension insurance, without financial support, more than any generation before. That applied to both left-wing and right-wing intellectuals, and to freelance academics in general. The fact that so many members of the NSDAP came from university and student circles has to do not only with their conceited arrogance, but with their unsuitably bad professional prospects. By 1932, the NSDAP had achieved dominance in student organizations. Productive and parasitic capital wounded honour among workers and anti-Semitism.
纳粹通过宣扬雅利安种族优越于其他一切种族来对抗社会衰落的恐惧。然而，现在雅利安种族正面临严重的问题。根据国家社会主义德国工人党（NSDAP）的定义，这个问题就是利率奴役带来的困境。他们认为经济危机很容易理解，而没有过多关注经济分析的细节，而是将经济危机视为全球历史斗争中的一个篇章，在这个斗争中，德国人要么胜利，要么永远被毁灭。在他们夸张的叙述中，街上的小人物重新找到了一个可以认同的角色。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
The Nazis countered the fear of social decline by exalting the Aryan race as superior to all others. Now, though, it was in deep trouble. The trouble, as the NSDAP defined it, was the yoke of slavery to interest rates. They found the economic crisis easy to understand. They didn't linger over the minutiae of economic analysis, but interpreted the economic crisis as a chapter in a global historical struggle in which the Germans would either win or be destroyed forever. In their bombastic narrative, the little man in the street rediscovered a role with which he could identify.
突然之间，他的命运给了他一种超越私人生活的意义。他卷入了一场戏剧，而根据希特勒的说法，这场戏剧的起源可以追溯到几千年前，在埃及的沙漠和北方的冰天雪地中，以色列人和雅利安人对经济和劳动者的不同态度逐渐形成。在纳粹经济理论这场宏大的歌剧中，德国人被赋予了对工作的极高重视，看待就业为责任，并把出色完成工作视为荣誉的象征。在这个神话般的工人形象旁边，站着的是士兵和农民，这个所谓的粮食生产阶层处于纳粹意识形态的中心位置。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
All of a sudden, his fate had given him a meaning far beyond his private life. He was involved in a drama which, according to Hitler, had begun millennia ago in the deserts of Egypt and the icy wastes of the North when the different attitudes of Israel lights and Aryans towards economy and workers had been shaped. In the grand opera of Nazi economic theory, the German was characterized by work in the emphatic sense as someone who saw employment as duty and a job well done as a token of his honour. This mythical worker stood right next to the soldier and the farmer, the so-called food-producing class at the centre of Nazi ideology.
这并不是狭义上的按时领工资的工人，而是一种新的类型。类似思想可以在恩斯特·荣格的著作中找到，这是一种极其现代化的类型，会彻底扫除满足现状的资产阶级，建立一个全新的国家，由团结一致以提高全民富裕为目标的意志所主导。被纳粹视为典型德国人的"民间工人"可以同样体现在诚实的工匠、田间耕作的农民或者手术台上的医生身上。定义这个神话般的德国工人的是创造性的态度、勤奋的工作精神和服务的理念。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
This did not mean worker in the narrow sense of someone who worked for wages, but a type, as discussed in the writings of the similarly-minded Ernst Jünger, a supremely modern type who would sweep away the sated bourgeois and build a completely new state, dominated by united will to increase the affluence of all. The Fokish worker, identified by the Nazis as typically German, could be embodied equally well by the honest craftsman, the farmer behind his plow or the doctor at the operating table. It was the creative attitude, the work ethic, the conception of service that defined this mythical German worker.
在履行职责的理念中，脑力劳动者可以感受到与体力劳动者的亲近，而不觉得自己的阶级特权受到严重威胁。通过将工作放在中心位置并强调其作为人类共同特征的重要性，他们成功地缓解了各社会阶层对失业的恐惧。中产阶级最不能忍受的就是被归为无产阶级，更别提在无产阶级的主导下生活了。但在一种强调共同体理念的背景下，与工人阶级产生认同感则是完全不同的事情。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
In the concept of fulfilment of duty, the workers of the brow could feel an affinity with the workers of the hand, without feeling that their class privileges had been seriously threatened. By putting work centre stage and emphasising its anthropological universality, they managed to address people's fear of unemployment across the social classes. Nothing rankled so much with the middle classes as being lumped together with the proletariat, let alone falling under its rule, but feeling as one with the working class in an emphatically inflated concept of the Fok was a different matter altogether.
在劳动被视为履行义务的一种服务这一观点中，这里呈现为典型的雅利安观念，文职和体力劳动者找到了一个可以让他们双方感到受宠若惊的身份认同，而这种平等又不需要任何一方付出代价。社会的剧变让人们的神经紧绷，他们渴望团结和社区。为了创造一个更好的世界，大家齐心协力、各司其职，这样的理念对于那些因生计担忧而感到痛苦的人来说，如同一剂安神药，因为他们最害怕的是失去工作后变成社会弃儿的感觉。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
In the vision of labour as one of service in the fulfilment of duty, here presented as typically Aryan, leading clerical and manual workers found the offer of an identity that flattered them both, equality for which neither side had to pay. The upheaval of society tugged at people's nerves and they longed for unity and community. A joint frontline deployment for a better world, everyone in his place, such an idea was bomb for the soul of people who were tormented by anxiety about their livelihoods and feared nothing more than the feeling of becoming outcasts by losing their jobs.
经济危机对德国的工作伦理造成了严重的打击。人们原本认为通过努力工作可以获得成就，但随着经济神秘地衰退，这一原则被否定了。尤其对中产阶级而言，这动摇了他们对自我奋斗可以掌握幸福的信念。原本这个理念承诺的机会平等并没有实现，反而，破产接踵而至。但与此同时，汽车越来越大，霓虹灯越来越亮，服装更为优雅，百货商场愈加奢华。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
The economic crisis dealt a deep wound to the German work ethic, the idea that hard work was no longer worth it because the achievement principle had been annulled by a mysterious depletion of the economy touched a fundamental principle of the middle class. The conviction that everyone was a master of his own happiness. Instead of the equality of opportunity promised by this idea, bankruptcies followed in quick succession, while at the same time cars were getting bigger and bigger, neon lights brighter, clothes more elegant, department stores more luxurious.
发生的事情令人费解。怎么可能没人能够阻止衰退，也没有人似乎理解其原因呢？在普遍的困惑中，最初几乎被普遍嘲笑的犹太全球阴谋论开始传播其邪恶且诱人的毒素。即便采取了各种各样的努力和措施，经济仍然持续下滑，这实际上并不容易理解。即便是今天，经济学家们依然不能就最重要的诱因达成一致。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
What was happening was incomprehensible. How was it possible that no one could halt the decline and that no one seemed to understand its causes? In the general bafflement, the narrative of the Jewish global conspiracy at first almost universally mocked spread its evil and seductive poison. Why the economy continued to plunge in spite of all manner of efforts and measures was in fact not easy to understand. Even today, economists fail to agree as to the most important trigger.
这是否是一种对美国的过度依赖？是债务的结构性过剩问题吗？是布吕宁的过度紧缩政策？是大型工业中追求合理化的狂热？是产能过剩的问题？是经济和工业中的保护性关税？是过于庞大的社会福利系统？是重工业相互间的联系使生产控制性的下滑变得不可能？是已经显示出一种好奇的天真商界领袖？这就像我们今天所说的“盲目飞行”。经济史学家哈罗德·詹姆斯给这些大公司定价政策做出了精妙的描述：工业已经高度组织化，以至于没有做好面对市场现实的准备。没有人知道该怎么办。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
Was it a disproportionate dependence on America? A structural excess of debt? Bruning's excessive deflation policy? The mania for rationalization in large-scale industry? Overproduction? Protective tariffs in the economy and industry? The overstretched social welfare system? The interconnections of heavy industry that made a controlled drop in production impossible? Business leaders who had already shown themselves to be the epitome of a curious kind of naivety? The flying blind, as we might say today. Economic historian Harold James came up with a particularly fine description referring to the pricing policies of the major companies. Industry had become so highly organized that it was not prepared to face the reality of the market. No one had the faintest idea what to do.
这一点的真实性在新任总理施莱彻男爵的广播讲话中得到了揭示。理想情况下，他希望让他的国民回归土地。他在1932年12月15日向听众表示，德国和世界困境的更深层原因在于，太多人失去了与土地的联系，挤在城市里生活，因此比自耕农更容易受到经济变化的严重打击。在这种迷茫和无助的氛围中，仇恨找到了巨大的发展机会。犹太人被描绘成弗克什工人的对立面，一个不劳而获的人，靠从事古董交易或金融大亨等可疑的生意赚钱。他也是一个被神话化的人物。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
The extent to which this was true is revealed by the radio address of the new Chancellor Court von Schleicher. Ideally, he would have sent his citizens back to the land. The deeper reason for the hardship of Germany and the world, he told his listeners on 15 December 1932, lies in the fact that too many people have lost their connection with the soil, lived crammed together in cities and are hit more severely by any change in the economy than the man on his own clump of earth. In this atmosphere of bewilderment and helplessness, hatred found a great opportunity. The Jew was drawn as the opposite of the Fokish worker, a person who did not work, but made his money by doing dubious deals, whether in the antique trade or as a major banker. He too was a figure shaped by myth.
在纳粹经济理论中，他代表寄生资本，这种资本对生产性资本进行掠夺。寄生资本依赖他人的劳动获取收益，通过收取利息和利滚利来致富，不费吹灰之力、如吸血鬼般。德国人通过为社会服务的诚实劳动找到自己的满足，而犹太人则只在拜金主义和物质主义中找到满足。这些陈词滥调并不是新鲜事。自中世纪以来，由于许多犹太人被排除在手工业工会之外，并被禁止获得土地，他们不得不从事贸易和放债。他们的钱在需要时非常受欢迎，但在偿还时，仇恨情绪经常爆发。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
In Nazi economic theory, he represented the parasitic capital that went for the throat of productive capital. Parasitic capital lived on the work of other people, enriching itself with interest and interest on interest, effortless and blood sucking. While the German found his fulfilment in honest toil in the service of the community, the Jew found satisfaction only in maminism and materialism. These clichés were hardly fresh minted. They belonged to the repertoire of traditional attributions of characteristics, since many Jews in medieval times excluded from the craft guilds and forbidden to acquire land, had needed to move into trade and money lending. Their money was more than welcome, but when it came to paying it back, hatred would regularly break out.
这个故事讲述了一个幽默诚实的德国人被狡诈的犹太人欺骗，最终因不断上涨的利率而破产。在这个叙述中，失败被转化为受害者的角色。几个世纪以来，这种核心叙述逐渐演变成一种将性格特征归因于民族的固定思维模式，刻画出典型的德国人和犹太人形象，前者被认为是善良、热情、诚实，后者则被视为狡猾、冷酷、理智。然而，这种说法显然是为了给愚蠢和失败者们提供心理安慰，尽管如此，它在困难和焦虑的时候仍然令人感到颇具吸引力。希特勒认为，犹太人缺乏创造性的野心。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
The good-humoured honest German who is taken in by the devious Jew and ruined by burgeoning interest rates was part of the standard narrative in which failure was turned into victimhood. Over the centuries, this core narrative grew into a whole system of mental attributions that were characterised as typically German or Jewish, the former, good-hearted, cordial and honest, the latter cunning, unfeeling and coldly intellectual. The fact that this was all too obviously constructed as a source of comfort for stupid people and losers did nothing to diminish its attractiveness in times of trouble and worry. The Jew, according to Hitler, lacked any creative ambition.
他被谴责为寄生于创造性种族身体上的寄生虫。任何试图反驳这种观点的尝试都会被一些陈腐的套话压制。列举那些勤劳且技艺高超的犹太人例子毫无意义。据称这是犹太人无法逃避的种族命运。不论他愿意与否，这是他无法改变的，希特勒在1920年慕尼黑啤酒馆的纲领性演讲中这样解释，为什么我们是反犹主义者？对于那些不符合这种刻板印象的犹太人，他们只不过是伪装成另一种模样的“欺诈者”。这样一来，反犹主义便能免受现实的检验，这是一种无法通过理性推翻或经验证明不成立的阴谋论。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
He was condemned to live as a parasite on the body of the creative races. Any attempt to counter the idea was met with trite commonplaces of this kind. There was no point listing the examples of hard-working, skilled Jews. Reloading was a racial destiny that no Jew could escape. He can't help it whether he wants to or not, Hitler had explained in his programmatic speech on the subject, why are we anti-Semites in the Munich-Haufbryhaus in 1920? A Jew who did not correspond to this construction was, in this account, only a piece of mimicry, a tricky deceit. In this way, anti-Semitism protected itself against any reality check, a conspiracy theory that could not be rationally invalidated or empirically contradicted.
希特勒把犹太人是寄生虫的种族刻板印象夸大为一个全球阴谋。他认为犹太人的高金融业正在吸走德国经济的力量，其社会民主的帮凶也在推波助澜。犹太人的百货商店正在破坏德国的零售业，而犹太人制造的廉价商品正在剥夺德国手工业者赖以生存的基础。实际上，有关犹太人高金融的说法本就是无稽之谈。虽然一半的私人主要银行确实为犹太人所有，但在经济上更重要的大型股份银行中，犹太人的持有比例仅为1%，这恰好与他们在人口中的比例相符。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
Hitler blew the racist stereotype of the parasitic Jew into a global conspiracy. Jewish high finance was sucking the strength from German economy. Its social democratic henchmen drove its victims to it. Jewish department stores were ruining German retail. Jewish-made junk was depriving German craftspeople of the foundation of their existence. Even factually, talk of Jewish high finance was nonsense. Yes, half of all private major banks were in Jewish ownership, but in the economically more important major equity banks, the proportion of Jewish owners was at only 1%, equivalent to their proportion within the population.
犹太人平均而言更为成功，这确实是事实。几个世纪以来，作为少数群体生活在一个时常充满敌意或怀疑的环境中，这让他们比已经相对稳定的德国人更加适应社会变化。因此，在564,000名德国犹太人中，有相当多的人在文化和商业领域占据了顶尖地位。在共和国的40位德国诺贝尔奖获得者中，有11位有犹太背景。例如，阿尔伯特·爱因斯坦、詹姆斯·弗兰克、古斯塔夫·赫兹、奥托·迈耶霍夫和奥托·海因里希·瓦泼克。然而，他们的声誉反而引发了嫉妒与怨恨。充满仇恨的纳粹宣传与苦难一同增长。犹太人经营的百货公司被认为是“东方集市”，尽管现代化程度很高，还是被视为与银行并列的主要敌人。80%的百货公司属于犹太人所有，尽管柏林哈曼广场上的美国式百货大教堂“卡斯塔德“并不属于其中之一。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
It was true that Jews were on average more successful. Centuries of life as a minority in an environment that repeatedly turned hostile or suspicious had made them more adaptable than the well-established Germans. So that a greater than average share of the 564,000 German Jews occupied top positions in culture and business. Of the republic's 40 German Nobel Prize winners, 11 had a Jewish background. For example, Albert Einstein, James Frank, Gustav Heltz, Otto Meyerhof and Otto Heinrich Wabock. But of pride, their fame merely prompted envy. Hate-filled Nazi propaganda grew in parallel with misery. The Jewish-run department stores, supposedly oriental bazaars, in spite of all their gleaming modernity, were identified as arch-enemies alongside the banks. 80% of department stores belonged to Jewish owners. Although the biggest one, Kastad on Haman Platz in Berlin, the cathedral to Americanism was not one of them.
百货公司虽然非常显眼，但它们仅占整个零售业的一小部分。然而，百货公司在经济危机期间进行的价格战和大量广告投放，使得小商贩的生活变得困难，其中许多商贩当然是犹太人。希特勒于1929年在慕尼黑宣称：“我们经历了一个有计划的中产阶级毁灭期，长达十年。对于在达豪大街上建的新百货公司来说，这意味着一千家商店的破产。”这显然有一定道理，但达豪大街周围实际要破产的商店甚至不到一百家。那么，这种“毁灭”的计划是什么，为什么会涉及整个中产阶级呢？为什么百货公司会有兴趣破坏其顾客的购买力呢？
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
The department stores, strikingly visible, though they were, made up only a small part of retail as a whole. But the discount battles in which the department stores engaged during the years of crisis and the massive deployment of advertising made life hard for small traders, many of whom were of course Jewish. For 10 years we have been experiencing a planned annihilation of the middle class, Hitler claimed in Munich in 1929. For new department stores built on Dachaustraße, that means the ruin of a thousand shops. There was plainly something in that, although there were not even a hundred shops to be ruined in the area around the Dachaustraße. But what was planned about the annihilation, and why the whole middle class? And why would it have been in the interest of the department stores to ruin the purchasing power of their customers?
在1930年，纳粹报刊《Dachdorma》解释说，如果一个犹太人建立了一家百货公司，他不会关心也不会对善良的基督徒表示感谢，他只关心一件事，那就是与基督徒竞争到底，直到他们被击垮。在一次群众集会上，一位来自德国妇女组织的成员告诉观众，你们儿子被背后捅刀子的武器正是用犹太人“宫殿”中的利润锻造的。此外，文章中的评论对比了商店的奢华与售货员据称的悲惨命运，声称除了薪水低和屈辱的待遇外，女售货员在百货公司里常常成为犹太人放纵的牺牲品。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
In 1930 the Nazi paper, Dachdorma explained, if a Jew has built a department store he has no concern, no thanks for kind Christians, only one thing concerns him, competition to the death, to the ruin of the Christian. At a mass rally, one frolinzunder of the German women's order informed her audience that the weapons with which your sons will be stabbed in the back were being forged with the profits from the Jewish palaces. And the focus of the überter contrasted the dazzling chic of the stores with the supposedly desperate fate of the sales girls, saying, apart from bad pay and humiliating treatment, in the department stores the girls are often victims of Jewish leches.
每次升职、每次加薪都需要通过与部门负责人发生性关系来换取。Dachdorma认真地幻想计划对非犹太人的纯洁进行侵犯，因为犹太人坚信，只有那些女人屈服于犹太种族的民族才能被纳入犹太全球统治的计划。1929年新年前夜，进入1930年代的门槛时，几乎无法想象有将近一半的德国人会有一天追随这样的荒谬言论。在1928年的国会选举中，国家社会主义德国工人党（NSDAP）只获得了2.6%的选票。德国人刚刚经历了不幸的一年，《每日纪事报》在世纪之交写道，但近距离观察，这一年实际上要比人们想象的好得多。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
Every promotion, every pay rise had to be paid for by having sex with the head of the department. Dachdorma fantasised in all seriousness of a planned violation of non-Jewish virginity, because the Jews knew that the only peoples who can be incorporated within the plan for Jewish global domination are the ones whose women yielded to the Jewish race. At New Year's Eve 1929 on the threshold of the 1930s it was still unimaginable that almost half of Germans would one day follow this kind of nonsense. In the Reichstag elections of 1928, the NSDAP received only 2.6% of the vote. The Germans had just been through a year of misfortune, the Fosse-Schatzitung wrote at the turn of the century, but seen from close by it had been much better than people thought.
贸易协会故意低调处理事情，以便从他们每周的情报中获取更多信息。一家报纸提出质疑：如果一个经济体在满足日常需求后还能剩下70到90亿马克用于建设，这样的经济状况真的那么糟糕吗？ 文章细致地说明了情况其实要比看起来好。然而，1920年代最终还是在焦虑中结束。在汉堡，爆发了与鹦鹉有关的疾病——鹦鹉热。电和煤气的价格在上涨，而1929年新年前夕的一期《福斯报》上只刊登了7个招聘广告，其中包括一个为重伤人员提供的办公室信差职位、一个挨家挨户推销订阅的工作，以及一个在家制作非法副本的工作。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
The trade associations deliberately talked things down to get more out of it for their weekly intel. Is an economy so ill if it has 7 to 9 billion marks left over for building after covering its daily requirements? The paper asked, giving a painstaking account of how things were better than they seemed. Still, the 1920s came to an anxious end. In Hamburg, the parrot-related disease of citocosis had broken out. Electricity and gas were going up in price and the New Year's Eve 1929 issue of the Fosse-Schatzitung contained only 7 job adverts, including an office messenger job for someone seriously wounded, a job selling subscriptions door to door and a home working job making bootlegs.
在同一期的新年夜刊物中，Hermand Teats百货公司宣布了特别优惠，以此为顾客增添节日的欢乐：一百万双袜子，每双仅售28芬尼尔。Kreptosheen的纯丝绸每米3.25马克也在打折。此外，Berliner Berzensitung还报道了笑话行业为成功的新年派对推出了各种新创意，比如用石膏做的巧克力、会发出嘎吱声的帽子以及各类制造噪音的小装置。而女士们的新年夜装饰中，虽然歌舞表演礼帽的流行程度已略有下降，但它仍然占据一席之地，而皇冠饰品的受欢迎程度正在上升。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
In the same New Year's Eve issue, the Hermand Teats department store announced special prices to cheer up their customers. A million pairs of socks at 28 fenigths each. Their time had a sale on two. Kreptosheen, pure silk, 3.25 marks a meter. And the Berliner Berzensitung could still report that the joke trade had come up with all kinds of new ideas for a successful New Year's party. Chocolate made of plaster, creaking hats and all kinds of devices for making a racket. Then the New Year's Eve decoration for the ladies' world, the cabaret top hat, still featured, even if it was in decline while the tiara was on the way up.
一位不知名的记者发现了王冠上的一个微小但意义深远的时尚细节。显然，如今女性不再对讽刺和装扮感兴趣，即使是跨年夜也如此。这位记者很自然地表示，这与当前的趋势一致。他可能没有意识到自己有多么的正确。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
The unknown reporter had spotted a tiny but telling fashion detail in the tiara. Plainly women were no longer interested in irony and dressing up, not even on New Year's Eve. The journalist quite naturally expressed the view that this was in line with the times. He probably had no idea just how right he was.