Vertigo - The Rise and Fall of Weimar Germany. Chapter 11: The Mood Plummets, Taste Adapts – Cultural Conflicts in a Time of Depression
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第十一章深入探讨了1930年代初德国复杂的文化图景，那是一个被魏玛共和国经济危机所笼罩的时期。与普遍认为的死气沉沉的单一片面叙事相反，本章重点介绍了当时的矛盾体验。虽然危机带来了巨大的困苦，但它也伴随着重大的成就和文化变革。
尽管经济衰退，德国人仍能找到快乐的时刻，参与休闲活动并追求个人抱负。格拉夫·齐柏林飞艇的北极探险和维尔纳·海森堡的诺贝尔物理学奖等重大成就，激发了民族自豪感。教育、交通和建筑领域的创新进一步增强了进步感。
然而，一种普遍的悲观情绪开始蔓延，这源于经济焦虑和日益增长的文化分裂感。德国人越来越发现自己彼此对立，他们的神经被普遍的困境所磨损。本章分析了这种蓬勃发展的文化悲观主义，将其根源追溯到对现代性的幻灭以及对一种被感知的过去真实性的渴望。
一个中心主题是对现代消费文化及其对德国社会的所谓美国化的批判。像电影评论家赫伯特·伊赫林和教育家路易莎·索尔米茨这样的人物，对美国电影、潮流和价值观的影响表示担忧，认为它们是对德国文化认同的威胁。溜溜球热潮虽然只是一种短暂的消遣，但也成为了这种文化焦虑的象征，代表着逃避现实和现代生活的肤浅。
该文本探讨了对魏玛共和国的左翼和右翼批评的汇合。虽然意识形态对立，但两者都对现代社会的肤浅和商业主义表示鄙夷。即使是像乔治·格罗兹这样以讽刺描绘魏玛社会而闻名的人物，也表达了对传统德国价值观和艺术表达的渴望。
本章考察了城市和乡村生活之间日益扩大的鸿沟，突出了农民面临的经济困境以及他们与共和国的疏远。受到对更简单、更真实生活方式的渴望的推动，田园浪漫主义获得了发展势头。像瓦尔德马·达雷和奥古斯特·维尼希这样的人物，宣扬浪漫化乡村生活和妖魔化城市文化的意识形态，这为纳粹党提供了宣传，以吸引农村人口。
本章还涉及了社会态度的变化，特别是关于舞蹈和时尚。查尔斯顿舞，作为1920年代解放的象征，让位于更传统的舞蹈，如华尔兹，反映了一种向保守主义的转变。同样，波波头也不再流行，因为女性开始拥抱更女性化和端庄的风格。即使是主流媒体也开始从言论自由转向关于更传统价值观的令人振奋的施拉格音乐。
最后，本章讲述了《柏林亚历山大广场》的作者阿尔弗雷德·德布林的经历，他发现自己越来越疏远曾经赞美的城市群众。德布林的著作反映了一种对德国社会发展方向日益增长的不安感，以及对与自然更真实联系的渴望。到1933年，德布林移民离开了这个国家。
Chapter 11 delves into the complex cultural landscape of Germany during the early 1930s, a period marked by the economic crisis of the Weimar Republic. Contrary to a monolithic narrative of grim uniformity, the chapter highlights the contradictory experiences of the time. While the crisis brought immense hardship, it also coincided with significant achievements and cultural shifts.
Despite the economic downturn, Germans found moments of joy, engaging in leisure activities and pursuing personal ambitions. Major advancements, such as the Graf Zeppelin's Arctic expedition and Werner Heisenberg's Nobel Prize in Physics, instilled a sense of national pride. Innovations in education, transportation, and architecture further contributed to a feeling of progress.
However, a pervasive pessimism began to take hold, fueled by economic anxieties and a growing sense of cultural fragmentation. Germans increasingly found themselves at odds with one another, their nerves frayed by the prevailing conditions. The chapter analyzes this burgeoning cultural pessimism, tracing its roots to a disillusionment with modernity and a yearning for a perceived past authenticity.
A central theme is the critique of modern consumer culture and its perceived Americanization of German society. Figures like film critic Herbert Ihering and educator Louisa Zolmitz voiced concerns about the influence of American films, trends, and values, viewing them as a threat to German cultural identity. The yo-yo craze, though a brief distraction, became a symbol of this cultural anxiety, representing escapism and the superficiality of modern life.
The text explores the convergence of left- and right-wing critiques of the Weimar Republic. While ideologically opposed, both shared a disdain for the perceived shallowness and commercialism of modern society. Even figures like George Grosz, known for his satirical portrayals of Weimar society, expressed a yearning for traditional German values and artistic expression.
The chapter examines the growing divide between urban and rural life, highlighting the economic hardships faced by farmers and their alienation from the Republic. Agrarian romanticism, fueled by a longing for a simpler, more authentic way of life, gained traction. Figures like Waldemar Darré and August Winnig promoted ideologies that romanticized rural life and demonized urban culture, which provided the Nazi party with propaganda to appeal to the rural population.
The chapter also touches on changing social attitudes, particularly concerning dance and fashion. The Charleston, a symbol of the liberated 1920s, gave way to more traditional dances like the waltz, reflecting a shift towards conservatism. Similarly, the bob hairstyle declined in popularity as women embraced more feminine and modest styles. Even mainstream media had begun to shift from freedom of expression to uplifting Schlager about more traditional values.
Finally, the chapter recounts the experiences of Alfred Döblin, author of "Berlin Alexanderplatz," who found himself increasingly alienated from the urban masses he had once celebrated. Döblin's writings reflect a growing sense of unease about the direction of German society and a longing for a more authentic connection with nature. By 1933, Döblin emigrated out of the country.
中英文字稿 
第十一章 情绪低落 品味一丝文化冲突 这是一段萧条时期的文化冲突。不过，我现在郑重建议你关注大众，以便确立他们的身份和特点。 1931年，如果雷都柏林。这样的情况只发生一次，不会再来。 即便面临危机，人们也都实现了卓越的表现。 经济危机带来了复杂的感受。 它并不是一种阴沉的、千篇一律的状态，将发生的一切都化为消极的次要旋律。 相反，它并没有消除矛盾，而是加剧了矛盾。在这场危机中，人们依然欢笑和舞蹈，他们愉快地消费，制定计划，开始学业，并蓬勃发展。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
Chapter 11 The Mood Plummets Taste a Dounce Cultural conflicts in a time of depression. But now I seriously advise you to think about the mass so that you can establish who and what it is. Ifred Dublin, 1931. It only happens once. It will never come again. Peak performances in spite of the crisis. The economic crisis was experienced with mixed feelings. It did not consist of a grim grey uniformity that put everything that happened into a depressive minor key. It did not erase contradictions but intensified them. People laughed and danced through the crisis. They happily spent their money, made plans, started their studies, flourished.
尽管在1930年瓦伊玛共和国的经济实力减弱，但它许多为后世称道的伟大成就尚未显现。比如乘坐飞艇穿越北极。广受德国人喜爱的“格拉夫齐柏林号”飞艇在1931年7月31日成功完成了一次前往北极的科学考察，并顺利返回。它带回了大量壮观的照片以及有关极北地区的宝贵数据。苏德研究团队还与俄罗斯破冰船“马拉干”进行了精确的联络。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
In spite of diminishing economic power in 1930, many of the great achievements for which the Vaima Republic would be famous were yet to come. The crossing of the North Pole in an airship, for example. The Grafseppeline, beloved of many Germans, returned from a successful scientific expedition to the Arctic on the 31st of July 1931. It brought with it a wealth of spectacular photographs and valuable measurements of the nature of the far north. The Soviet German research team had made a precisely timed contact with the Russian icebreaker Malagan.
数日以来，飞艇与破冰船的会合一直是人们谈论的焦点，尤其因为著名的意大利极地研究员翁贝托·努比莱在马拉根号上。然后，在1932年，维尔纳·海森堡因定义不确定性原理荣获诺贝尔物理学奖。德国因此再次被视为原子研究的中心，这也是未来最强大新技术的关键。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
For days, the rendezvous between the airship and the icebreaker was the focus of conversation, particularly since the famous Italian polar researcher Umberto Nubile was on board the Malagan. Then, in 1932, Werner Heisenberg received the Nobel Prize in Physics for his definition of the uncertainty principle. Germany, thus once again, became known as the place for atomic research, the key to the most powerful new technology of the future.
在教育领域也出现了一些创新。1931年5月，汉诺威市图书馆作为欧洲首个高层建筑图书馆开幕。有数月之久，许多德国人因"门环号"绕地球飞行而感到自豪。当时世界上最大的客机，由达尼尔公司在康斯坦茨湖建造，能够运输160名乘客，并能在水面起降。它的外形非常壮观，部分原因是机翼和机身上布置了12个螺旋桨。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
There were also innovations in the field of education. In May 1931, Hanover City Library opened as the first tower block library in Europe. For a number of months, many Germans felt pride in the flight of the door-ex around the Earth. The biggest passenger aeroplane in the world at the time, built by Darnier on Lake Constance, could transport 160 passengers and land and launch on water. Its spectacular appearance was partly down to the 12 propellers that were arranged over the wings and the body of the plane.
这段文字可以翻译成以下中文：
乘客客轮布里曼号沿跨大西洋航线前往纽约，在此过程中拍摄的照片部分让人感到兴奋。在距离目的地2000公里处，一架装有发射雪橇的飞机从甲板上被弹射到空中。它飞速前进，将船上的邮件继续运送至纽约，使得邮件提前22小时到达。空气动力学的新发现使汽车和火车变得更快，改变了技术的面貌。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
It was partly exciting with the pictures taken from the passenger liner Brimann, which worked the transatlantic sea route to New York. 2,000 kilometers before its destination, an aircraft equipped with launching sleds was catapulted from its deck into the air. It dashed ahead, carrying the mail transported on the vessel the rest of the journey to New York. In this way, it reached its destination 22 hours early. New discoveries in aerodynamics made cars and trains faster and changed the face of technology.
包豪斯原则提倡物品的功能应在外观上体现出来，这一原则有所调整。汽车被覆盖上具有最佳空气动力学的外壳，以减少空气阻力。火箭则为生活的加速度设立了新的标杆，并激发了人们征服太空的想象力。从柏林发射的火箭原型仅飞行了200米，但电影已经为未来做好了准备。在弗里茨·朗1929年的科幻默片《月球上的女人》中，展示了一次火箭发射，并引入了历史上首次倒计时。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
The Bauhaus principle that the function of an item should be made outwardly visible was revised. Cars were covered in a flow-optimized shell to reduce air resistance. The rocket set new standards for the accelerating pace of life and filled the imagination with ideas of conquering space. The prototypes fired into the air from Berlin did not travel further than 200 meters, but the cinema had already anticipated the future. In Fritz Lang's 1929 science fiction silent film, Woman on the Moon, a rocket launch was shown with the first countdown in history.
观众亲身体验了突破音障和失重的神奇感受。火箭技术也对火车设计产生了影响。铁路飞艇，又称螺旋桨列车，让热衷于科技的年轻人感到兴奋。在1931年，它通过火车尾部的螺旋桨推动，达到了231公里每小时的最高速度。1932年8月，科隆-波恩高速公路的开通在经济政策方面也具有前瞻性，因为其投资项目依赖于劳动密集型的施工方法。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
And viewers experienced breaking the sound barrier and the magic of weightlessness. Rockets also influenced train design. The railway Zeppelin, also known as the propeller train, thrilled technologically-minded young people. In 1931, it reached a maximum speed of 231 km an hour powered by a propeller in the rear of the rail car. The opening of the Cologne Bonne autobahn in August 1932 was also forward-looking in terms of economic policy, because its investment commitments were dependent on labor-intensive construction methods.
为了尽可能多地雇佣人和减少失业，禁止使用推土机和传送带。这是一项反周期投资措施，彰显了科隆年轻市长康拉德·阿登纳的远见卓识。如前所述，国家社会主义德国工人党（NSDAP）并不是首先提出修建高速公路来创造就业机会的，这种说法后来被常常夸大为宣传神话。1930年，位于柏林的Kunt停车库宫殿开业，这是一个四层楼的停车场，可以容纳300辆汽车。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
Bulldozers and conveyor belts were forbidden to employ as many people as possible and reduce unemployment. An anti-cyclical investment measure that revealed the far-sightedness of the young mayor of Cologne, Konrad Adenauer. As noted earlier, the NSDAP did not come up with the idea of the autobahn as a method of work creation, later an off-sighted propaganda myth. In 1930, the Kunt garage palace opened in Berlin, a four-story car park with room for 300 cars.
这条双车道的螺旋坡道和功能主义的玻璃外墙，再次激发了人们对充满活力的城市机器的梦想。许多后来被视为象征1920年代优雅的建筑瑰宝，直到1930年代才落成。例如，埃门·法拉姆坎普在柏林设计的贝壳建筑，其波浪形的石灰石外墙让人感觉石头都能被弯曲；或者埃里希·门德尔松在科门尼茨建造的肖肯百货公司，建筑曲线优美，同时结构分明，正如建筑评论家尤利乌斯·波兹纳所说，这是一个在漂浮平衡中的建筑，一个在宁静中运动的建筑。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
The two-lane spiral ramp and the functionalist glass facade once again fed into the dream of a dynamic urban machine. Many other architectural jewels that would later be seen as symbolizing the elegance of the 1920s did not open until the 1930s. Berlin's shell-building by Emen Faramkamp, for example, with its undulating limestone facade that made it look as if stone could be bent, or the Schocken department store in Kemenitz, built by Erich Mendelssohn, also elegantly curved and nonetheless severely structured, a building that was in floating balance as the architecture critic Julius Pozner said, a building that moves in peace.
一种全新大众民主形式的标志性建筑是位于柏林的帝国广播公司大楼。这个建筑直接位于广播塔对面，也被称为Haus de Srunfauks。这个宏伟的建筑于1931年建成，由汉斯·波齐奇设计，全长150米，高五层，并有两个内部庭院。当时，它不仅是一个国家广播机构，今天的国家广播电台总部还包括了一个庞大的国家广域组织——帝国广播和传媒公司，该公司整合了九个地区广播电台，有点类似于今天的德国公共广播联盟（ARD）。这些广播公司有些是私人拥有，有些是公立的。报纸出版商和唱片制作人也参与其中，但国家始终是多数股东。这是一个由无线电早期多彩的企业组合而成的快速发展的广播公司。很快，四分之一的德国人将与之有联系。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
The trademark of a completely new form of mass democracy was the house of the Reich radio company in Berlin. Directly opposite the radio tower, also known as Haus de Srunfauks. The massive building, 150 metres long, five stories high with two internal courtyards built in 1931 from plans by Hans Pozich, was not only a national broadcasting institution as it is today, but also the headquarters of a vast Reichweide organisation, the Reichs und von Goselshaft, which incorporated nine regional broadcasters, much like the ARD organisation in the present day. These were partly privately owned, partly publicly. Newspaper publishers and record producers were involved, but the state always had to be the majority owner. It was a colourful mosaic of businesses from the early days of radio brought together into a rapidly growing broadcasting company. Soon, a quarter of all Germans would have a connection to it.
为了解约新的媒体力量，一个由制度性影响者、监督者和顾问组成的复杂监督委员会网络被建立起来。因为即使是经营公司的人员，对于这个新媒体可能享有的巨大权力也感到不完全放心。20世纪30年代在文学方面也有一个良好的开端。这一时期出版了罗伯特·穆塞尔的《没有个性的人》、赫尔曼·布洛赫的《梦游者三部曲》和利昂·费希特冯格的《成功》，这些关于社会的小说以不同方式处理整个生活，并将他们各自的主人公融合在一个统一的图景中。接着是前面提到的厄姆加德·科因的《人造丝姑娘》和埃里希·凯斯特纳的《法比安》，这两本书在无限的生活热情危机与飘忽不定的苦涩之间，以一种主观而非常放松的语调娓娓道来。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
To supervise the new media power, a complicated network of supervisory committees consisting of institutional influencers, watchdogs and advisors was established. Because even the people who ran the company were not entirely comfortable with a huge power, potentially enjoyed by this new medium. The 1930s began promisingly in literary terms as well. It saw the publication of Robert Muzzles, The Man Without Qualities, Hamman Brochs, Sleepwalker Trilogy, Leon Feistwunga's Success, novels about society, which in their different ways dealt with a whole of life and forced their divergent protagonists into a unified picture. Starting with these were the aforementioned Ilmgard coins, the artificial silk girl and Erich Kestner's Fabian, two books that drew a subjective, very relaxed tone from the crisis of boundless Joada Viv on the one hand and flouncy bitterness on the other.
原本表现出色的Fitter，在厄尔文·皮斯卡托和马克斯·莱因哈特放弃后，于危机中走弱，而电影行业则蒸蒸日上。从艺术角度来看，1931年的电影《M》，中文译为《城市正在寻找谋杀犯》，在众多作品中脱颖而出。弗里茨·朗的惊悚片测试了现代城市的治理能力，探索了如何通过两个竞争的监控系统追踪一个人。警方和有组织犯罪以截然不同的方式追捕一名连环杀害儿童的凶手。有声电影已经克服了初期的各种问题，并凭借令人激动的剧情电影取得了巨大成功。1930年的电影《加油站三人组》是一部令人愉悦的浪漫影片，讲述了主角们接管了一家加油站并取得了一些成功的故事，影片也带领观众进入他们无法再负担的豪华舞厅。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
Fitter, which had been doing extremely well, weakened during the crisis after Ervin Piscator and Max Reinhard gave up, while the cinema went from strength to strength. From an artistic point of view, in 1931, M, the German title translates as M, a city searches for a murderer, stood head and shoulders above the crowd. Fritz Langstriller tested the governability of the modern city. It explored how an individual could be tracked down using two competing surveillance systems. The police and organised crime spread their very different nets to hunt down a child murdering serial killer. Sound cinema had overcome its teething problems and enjoyed great success with its thrilling review films. In 1930, in the feel-good romantic movie The Three from the Filling Station, the protagonists take over a petrol station with some success, and the film moves with them through expensive dance halls that the viewers could no longer afford.
在《国会的舞蹈》，这部Vaima时代最昂贵的电影中，莉莲·哈维演唱了令人安慰的曲目《只发生一次，再不会来》，没有这首歌，那段时间的公众生活几乎难以想象。在评论经理埃里克·沙雷尔的指导下，数百名群众演员激动着舞动，那时的镜头看上去似乎变得狂野。莉莲起舞，一切都在旋转，这让《新贝利纳报》赞不绝口。人们在那美好的旧时光中看到了自己，并在一瞬间感受到了历史的全部力量。1932年上映的《危机喜剧》则由莉莲·哈维和维利·弗里奇主演。故事讲述两个擦窗工人和一个无家可归、梦想到达演艺圈的年轻女孩生活在一个疯狂的分配地里，谁该爱上谁全然不知。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
In Congress' dances, the most expensive film of the Vaima years, Lillian Harvey, sings the comforting showstopper, it only happens once, it'll never come again, without which public life was for a time unimaginable. Under the direction of the review manager, Eric Scharel, hundreds of extras surged and danced, while the camera appeared by the standards of the time to have gone wild. Lillian moves, everything turns, the Neu Bellinat Seitung wrote admiringly. People recognised themselves in the good old days, and for a moment felt the whole force of history. The year 1932 saw the release of the Crisis Comedy, a blonde dream, again with Lillian Harvey and the lead role, along with Villy Frich. Two window cleaners and a homeless aspiring starlet live in a wild allotment colony, and don't know who's supposed to be in love with whom, if at all.
甜美而又忧伤的歌手，“在世界的某个角落，总有一点幸福”，成为了德国集体记忆中不可磨灭的一部分。几年之后，包括尼娜·哈根、奥多·林登堡、迪普林森和乔纳斯·科夫曼在内的表演者续写了这一记忆。对于失业者，还可以购买到30芬尼的优惠票。少有的情况下，悲惨竟显得如此美丽，如此焦虑，如此甜美，如此激动。然后在1930年，马克斯·施梅林为德国带来了重量级拳击冠军，并在一年后对战美国的年轻拳手时保住了头衔。但这些都不够，情绪依然无可阻挡地低迷。所有的事物都显得如此低劣，只是些垃圾？一种深刻的悲观情绪在全国蔓延，不仅如此。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
The sweetly sad crooner, somewhere in the world, there's a little bit of happiness, became an indelible part of the German collective memory. Some generations later, by performers including Nina Hagen, Audor Lindenburg, and Deeprinsen and Jornus Kolfmann. For the unemployed, there were reduced-rate tickets for 30 Fennecks. The seldom had misery looked as good as it did here, so anxious, so sugary, so thrilling. Then in 1930, Max Schmeeling brought the heavyweight boxing title to Germany, and kept it a year later, in a fight against the American young strumbling. But all of this was not enough, the mood was plummeting, unstoppable. All of the inferior, nothing but trash? A deep pessimism spread through the country, and not just that.
在德国，人们之间的关系变得越来越紧张，彼此几乎听不到对方说话。进入1930年代的德国，犹如狂欢派对后的清晨，阳光照射出昏暗的角落、空酒瓶和疲惫的面孔。香槟已经失去气泡，宾客们面黄肌瘦，乐队成员正在收拾乐器。原本由精英青年保守派小心培养的对世界的厌恶情绪，如今在很多圈子里变得普遍。1930年，埃德加·J·荣格的书《劣等人的统治》重新出版。这个标题很快成了一个流行词，日常用于贬低共和国。共和国的艺术作品被越来越多的人轻视为一群“小矮人”，它的激动被认为是夸大其词，它的希望被视为幻想。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
Germans were increasingly getting on each other's nerves. People could no longer hear one another. The dawn of the 1930s in Caffir Deutschland was like the morning after a wild party, when the light exposes grim corners, empty bottles, and weary faces. The sparkling wine was flat, the guests were hollow-cheeked and gaunt, the band were packing their instruments away. A carefully nurtured revulsion with the world, the preserve of elitist young conservatives was derigue in many circles. The year 1930 saw the republication of Edgar J. Jung's book, The Rule of the Inferior. The title soon became a catchphrase used daily as a derogatory characterization of the Republic, whose art was increasingly dismissed as so many dwarves, its excitement as over-inflated, its hopes as illusionary.
欢乐的聚会已经没有了活力，甚至争吵也不再有趣。漫无目的地穿行在街头，渐渐成为一种时尚，你可以像伊里奇·凯斯特纳小说《法比安》中的角色那样，带着高级的忧郁，或像国家革命作家弗朗茨·绍莱维克那样，怀着真正的仇恨。绍莱维克抱怨，这个时代只值得被摧毁，他怀念一战时期的钢铁精神。类似“装饰性的腐朽”这样的词语，这种充满坏脾气的文化悲观主义词汇，原本只是1920年代背景噪音的一部分，但现在逐渐出现在自由派的媒体中，使得气氛变得更加阴郁。到1930年，文化景观明显地在两极之间成形，一边是对进步的乐观信念，另一边则是对现代化的批评。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
The cheerful parties had run out of steam, and not even arguing was fun anymore. It became chic to drift bleakly through the streets, which could be done with superior melancholy as in Ilicch Kestner's novel Fabian, or with genuine hatred as in the National Revolutionary writer Franz Schaulewiecker, this age is worthy of nothing but destruction, he grumbled, longing for the reigning steel of the First World War. Decoridation-leveling decay, words like these, the ill-tempered vocabulary of cultural pessimism that had been permanently part of the background noise of the 1920s, now found their way into the liberal press and darkened the atmosphere. By 1930 the cultural landscape had visibly taken shape between the twin poles of an optimistic belief in progress on the one hand and a critique of modernization on the other.
自由主义资产阶级平静地注视着世界。人类的问题层出不穷，但似乎都可以解决，进步会解决一切。即使是像海因里希·曼这样优雅的人也感到身处世界之巅，因为他仍然相信城市的文明力量。1930年，他在柏林赫尔曼广场新开业的Kärstät百货公司内，站在食品与糖果区的过道上，对着随机的观众朗读。在这座看起来像是《大都会》电影幻想成真的宏伟消费大教堂里，这位艺术学院文学部的主席面对提满购物袋的人群，向他们朗读。后来他承认，这种我在川流不息的人群中不被特别关注的匿名出场，是我在魏玛共和国时期对公共生活最纯粹的记忆之一。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
The liberal bourgeoisie gazed serenely on the world. Humans accumulated, but they seemed to be solvable, progress would sort everything out. Even such an elegant fellow as Heinrich Mann felt on top of the world, because he was still convinced about the civilizing power of the city. In 1930 he read before a random audience in the newly opened Kärstät department store on Hermannplatz in Berlin, in the corridor between food and confectionery, here of all places in this vast cathedral of consumption which looked as if a fantasy from Metropolis had come to life, the president of the literature section of the Academy of Arts read to an audience shoving past him with full shopping bags. Later he admitted, this anonymous appearance of mine in a flowing crowd that made no concessions on my account is among my purest memories of public life in the Weimar Republic.
然而，像他这样的文化乐观主义者逐渐开始处于守势。对越来越多的人来说，现代社会的光芒正在逐渐褪去。在经济危机的影响下，人们对现代生活方式的质疑不断增加，特别是这种远离自然、追新求异与时常承受时间压力的生活方式是否真的是正确的。人们对商品流通的反思也在增加。文化批评与对健康的关注结合在一起，形成了一种浪漫的反资本主义观念。当人们不得不再次计算每一个芬尼时，人们开始感叹金钱的主宰。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
But culturally optimistic voices such as his gradually went on the defensive. For more and more people, the modern age was losing its sheen. Reinforced by the economic crisis, doubts were growing about whether the modern way of life, with its remoteness from nature, its addiction to novelty and its constant time pressure was really the right way. Contemptions about the circulation of commodities also increased. Cultural criticism and a concern for health combined to form a romantic anti-capitalism. Contemptable mammon ruled it was said, when one had to count every fenik once again.
关于金牛犊的舞蹈经常被提及，仿佛人们已经在试图与一个他们可能很快就不再属于的赚钱社会保持距离。在左翼，商品拜物教的批判已经成为传统反资本主义态度的一部分；而在右翼，这种批判与反犹太主义结合起来，形成了一种合理的怨恨与文明批判的混合体。突然之间，许多人感觉到屈服于商品世界的诱惑不仅仅是错误的，用20世纪30年代的一个热门词来说，那是不符合德国人气质的，是一种堕落的行为。许多人觉得自己仿佛身处美国的一个分支机构，被胜利的国家远程控制，德国被年轻蛤蜊的束缚所制，依靠文化力量保证其卓越的经济实力。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
The dance around the golden calf was frequently mentioned as if people were already distancing themselves from a money-making society to which they might soon no longer belong. On the left, the critique of commodity fetishism was already part of the traditional anti-capitalist attitude. While on the right, it joined forces with anti-Semitism to form a plausible mixture of resentment and a critique of civilization. Suddenly, a lot of people had a sense that it wasn't just wrong to succumb to the enticements of the world of commodities, but un-German and degenerate to use a favourite term of the 1930s. Many people felt as if they were in a branch of America, remote controlled by the victorious power that held Germany in the stranglehold of the young clam and secured its superior economic power with cultural power.
美国电影是全球新军国主义，电影评论家赫巴特·艾亨（Hebat Ihering）如此写道。它正在蔓延，比普鲁士的更具危险性。它不仅吞噬个体，还吞噬整个民族。医生兼作者科托马拉（Kortormala），国家卫生教育委员会的电影专家宣称，德国迟早会被美国化。所谓虚张声势、庸俗无聊、喧嚣浮夸、引人注目的外表，简而言之就是美国风格。教师路易莎·佐尔米茨（Louisa Zolmitz）在1931年的日记中写道，手拿包源于美国的文化缺失。它比一个小手袋大不了多少，里面装着粉盒、口红和指甲锉。这些内容透露了文化的水平。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
American film is the new global militarism, wrote the film critic Hebat Ihering. It is advancing, it is more dangerous than the Prussian one. It does not swallow up individuals, it swallows up whole peoples. The doctor and author Kortormala, film expert at the Reich Committee for Hygienic National Education, claimed, Germany will sooner or later be Americanized. So bluff, kitsch, noise about nothing, loud extravagance, enticing facades, in a word American. The teacher Louisa Zolmitz noted in her diary in 1931, clutch bags come from American lack of culture. No bigger than a small handbag with make-up powder tins, lipstick and nail files. The content reveals the level of culture.
老师对米老鼠感到尤其震惊。她说，这个动物形象带有一种病态的怪诞和低俗的风格，只有美国人的头脑才能想象出来。而德国的动物爱好者或有品位的人根本不会在其中发现什么有趣、富有个性或像动物的东西。但我们是德国人，米老鼠以一种让人感到不适的方式肆意流行。在外套、帽子上，作为书签，在糖果和橡胶制品中，无论你往哪看，这个可怕的怪物，无批判地被愚蠢的德国人接受，不仅仅是孩子们。这种德国人盲目追随来自美国的各种荒谬事物的想法，让那些在自己国家也感到格格不入的抱怨者感到困扰。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
The teacher was particularly appalled by Mickey Mouse. An animal figure with, she said, the kind of sickly grotesque and tasteless manner that only an American brain could dream up. Not a German animal lover or person of taste who would be able to find something droll, characterful or animal like in it. But we are Germans and Mickey Mouse is running rampant in a way that would make one feel ill. On coats and caps as a bookmark in sweets, in rubber, wherever you look this dreadful monster that has sprung from an American brain is accepted without criticism by stupid Germans, not just by children. The idea that Germans would go along with any old nonsense that came from the United States troubled the groutchers who notoriously felt foreign in their own country.
进口的花哨商品中最引人注目的，无疑是溜溜球，它被称为全球经济危机的连珠体。虽然连歌德在威尼斯时也曾玩过这种玩具，但到了1932年，菲律宾移民佩德罗·弗洛雷斯进一步改进了这种旋转的木质圆盘。由底特律投资者唐纳德·邓肯专业推广后，再加上新的传说和各种新玩法，溜溜球迅速成为了席卷全球的时尚潮流。许多人认为这是一种像流行病一样的风潮，一种上瘾。正如齐格弗里德·卡库亚所称，它是“手上的口香糖”，让人着迷不已。人们在办公室、街角、操场上玩溜溜球。酒吧举办溜溜球比赛，酒店还举行溜溜球舞会。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
The crowning glory of imported flim flam was the yo-yo, the rosary of the global economic crisis. Admittedly even Goethe had played with a toy in Venice, but by 1932 the Filipino immigrant Pedro Flores had developed the spinning wooden disc still further. Professionally marketed by the Detroit investor Donald Duncan and given a new legend and all kinds of new tips, the yo-yo became a fashion that spanned the globe. A pandemic many people thought, an addiction. This chewing gum for the hand, as Ziegfried Kakua called it, held people in its thrall. People played with it in offices, on street corners, in the playground. Pubs held yo-yo competitions, hotels held yo-yo dances.
1932年，一位来自捷克边境山区的14岁少年赢得了世界悠悠球耐力比赛的记录。他的悠悠球上下摆动了4000次，打破了之前由布达佩斯的一位女孩创造的2946次记录。当时出现了无数关于悠悠球的流行歌曲，甚至还有一部现在已被遗忘的电影《Frolaian悠悠球》，由弗里茨·卡特纳执导。然而，悠悠球的潮流只持续了几个月，就像它来得迅速一样又消失了。在经济危机中，这股潮流短暂地带来了消遣、竞争和小小的胜利。短时间内，它甚至为巴伐利亚的福尔特这座制作玩具的小镇带来了充分就业。这场流行的悠悠球风潮是年轻的大众社会的一个现象，因此也引发了无数关于逃避现实、休闲、社会娱乐化以及不同时代起伏的诊断性猜测。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
The world record for endurance yo-yoing was won in 1932 by a 14 year old from the All-mountains on the Czech border. His yo-yo went up and down 4,000 times. He broke the previous record held by a girl from Budapest, of 2,946 up and downs. There were countless yo-yo popular songs and even a now forgotten yo-yo film by Fritz Kartner, Frolaian yo-yo. The yo-yo fad vanished again after only a few months, as quickly as it had come. In the middle of the economic crisis it had briefly provided distraction, competition and small victories. For a short time it even brought the miracle of full employment to the toy making town of Furt in Bavaria. The viral yo-yo wave was a phenomenon of the still young mass society. And as such it provided an opportunity for countless diagnostic speculations about escapism, leisure, the dumbing down of society and the ups and downs of different eras.
报纸艺术版的一场盛宴。用他的技巧，表演者让人们想象一个美好日子再次来临的情景，Fosseřet Seitung（福瑟雷特报）感慨道。然而，那一天并没有到来。悠悠球并不能解决许多人在经济困境中感受到的意义缺失问题。也许他们将悠悠球视为一种分心物，这正是魏玛时期娱乐文化的典型表现，让人们暂时忘却面临的压迫性问题。那是一种无意义的技艺展示，让任何街头流浪儿都有机会成为区域高手。人们被一阵阵活动所裹挟，以至于不必去思考生命的意义，施韦策可能这么说。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
A feast for the newspaper arts section. With his dexterity the player conjured the day when everything will go spinning nicely again, the Fosseřet Seitung felt. That day did not come however. The yo-yo was not about to solve the problem of the lack of meaning that many people felt in their straightened circumstances. Perhaps they saw the yo-yo above all as a distraction, typical of Weimar's entertainment culture, from the oppressive problems that everyone faced. A flight into pointless virtuosity, in which any street urchin could become a regional master. People were caught up in a frenzy of activity so that they didn't have to think about the meaning of life I bet Schweitzer claimed.
一开始这个想法听起来不错，但谁在操控人们，谁在幕后操控，哪里有受害者，难道不也应该有施害者吗？批评家们寻找抑郁的原因，并集中于一种核心的空虚感和分裂感。人们认为或想象的公共生活中的虚假和表面现象，被解释为对国家特性的否认所带来的后果。左派中有人辩论现代社会的肤浅，强迫自己微笑，培养礼貌细心的精神，这些都被认为是源自西方文化，就好像资产阶级和他们用来定义自己阶级的那个术语一样，都是外来的。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
That sounded good at first but who was manipulating people, who was pulling the strings, where there are victims, must there not also be perpetrators. Critics sought for the cause of the depression and honed in on a central feeling of emptiness and fragmentation. The falsity, the superficiality that was seen or imagined in public life, was interpreted as a consequence of the denial of the national character. On the left there were polemics about the shallowness of modern society, the compulsion to keep smiling, the nurture of tact, the solicitous espré that was held to be derived from western cultures, as if the bourgeoisie were as foreign as the term that they used to define their class.
在危机中，优雅显得仿佛是颓废，而直率、简单的表达反而比精心构建的措辞更显真实。据说，人们失去了诚实，失去了德式精神中的简洁质朴，失去了如工匠般的创造力和农民的品质，这些曾被纳粹推崇为大众的典范。甚至连魏玛社会的刻薄讽刺画家乔治·格罗斯——他曾带着嘲讽揭露社会的支柱——也开始支持德国艺术中的传统，认为这些传统的古典大师风格深深植根于民众之中。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
Elegance in a crisis looked like decadence, blunt, plain speaking seemed more authentic than well-constructed phrase making. People it was argued had lost their honesty, the pithy Lutheran form of Germanness, the craftsman like creativity and the peasant qualities that the Nazis had elevated to the model of the people. Even George Gross, the harsh caricaturist of Weimar society who mockingly exposed the supports on which society rested, came out in favour of the traditional in German art, the old master aspect that was supposedly deeply rooted in the people.
1931年，这位坚定的反军国主义者和坚决反对纳粹的人提倡在艺术中强调德国性，提倡简单、热情和情感。1916年，他将自己的名字英化，以抗议战争，原名是Georg-Erenfried-Gorse，现在他在《艺术公报》期刊上抨击盲目使用英语和外国时尚。他呼吁他的艺术家同事们不要再前往法国南部的“圣地”朝圣，而是去空气严酷、不舒适且更具绘图感的波美拉尼亚。他认为这是一种挑战，与南方被过度开采、平静的土地形成对比。他主张艺术家应该重新与米尔赫、博世、勃鲁盖尔以及梅利斯基奥赫、胡伯和阿尔托弗等大师建立联系。格罗斯向读者保证，他并不是以焦点为视角，也不是像纳粹那样强调种族主义的国家特征，而是将他的要求与对传统的意识和对人民的亲近感联系起来，对资本主义城市生活表现出蔑视的态度，以至于他的立场几乎与右翼厌恶文明的反共和国情绪无异。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
In 1931 the convinced anti-militarist and resolute opponent of the Nazis argued for Germanness in art, for simplicity, temperament and feeling. In 1916 he had anglicised his name in protest against the war, his name was originally Georg-Erenfried-Gorse and now in the journal Kunstblatt he raged against anglicisms and foreign fashions. He appealed to his artist colleagues not to make their pilgrimages to the Philistine-French mecha on the Riviera, but to Father Pomerania where the air was hard, uncomfortable and draftsman like. That was a challenge in contrast with the burned-out, calm ground of the south. Artists he argued should re-establish their connections with Mulcher, Bosch, Brügel and Meliskiocher, Huber and Altoffer. Gross reassured his readers that he was not thinking in focus terms, not stressing national characteristics in the racist manner of the Nazis, but rather linked his demands with an awareness of tradition and a closeness to the people with such a scornful vision of capitalist city life that his stance was barely distinguishable from the anti-Republican revulsion with civilization on the part of the right.
这段文字将被详细引用，因为它展示了一位即使厌恶纳粹、因见识过苏联制度的残暴而离开德国共产党（KDP）的聪明人，也能对共和国感到极度厌恶。但这段文字也表明，许多根本性批评的要素与我们很接近。生态问题与操控理论结合在一起。为了维持经济机器的运转，消费需求被鼓励，格罗斯说。否则，生产和繁荣就会终止。想象不出明天没有森林被变成纸，想象不出一个有假丝绸袜子和领带的文明。不能，需求一定要被鼓励，总要对大众灌输。舒适以进步的名义，为了提升标准而不顾一切。我们每天都被灌输，没有吸尘器和汽车的生活就不是真正的生活。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
The text will be quoted at length because it shows how intense disgust with the republic could be, even in an intelligent man who hated the Nazis and who had left the KDP because he had personal experience of the brutality of the Soviet system. But it also shows how close many elements of that fundamental criticism are to us. Ecological concerns are combined with theories of manipulation. The need for consumption was encouraged, gross said, to keep the economic machine in motion. Or it would be the death of production and prosperity, impossible to imagine that tomorrow no forests are being transformed into paper, impossible to imagine a civilization with fake silk stockings and ties. No, needs must be encouraged, always keeping on at the masses. Comfort in the name of progress, the raising of standards above all else. It is drummed into us daily, living without vacuum cleaners and cars is not really living.
我们只需看看美国的杂志就能明白。这些杂志是无拘无束文明的真实写照，广告占了四分之三，需求越来越多，林林总总的现成产品。这种文明不会停歇，甚至可能把北极人工融化，把爱斯基摩人锁在传送带上。城市则是脑积水的真实范例，一座办公城市，是利润和交易的场所。工作日结束后，疲惫的商人用尽可疑的、匆忙的、喧闹的、虚假的和耀眼的娱乐来消遣几个小时，而不是思考，金钱、女人、香槟、廉价的戏剧占据了他们的时间，让他们无暇顾及任何除了繁忙工作之外的严肃事情。电影中千篇一律的观念和无聊透顶的画面，他们的妻子则被装点着，化妆、修甲，成了空洞的装饰品，和舞男在酒店房间以及茶舞会上被忽视。这究竟是一种什么样的生活？难道仅仅因为艺术家不喜欢这样的生活方式，生活就一无是处吗？
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
We need only look at American magazines. True documents of uninhibited civilization, three quarters advertisements, more and more needs, ready-made such and such. It won't rest until the North Pole has been artificially thawed and the Eskimo chained to a conveyor belt. The city, a true example of hydrocephaly, office town, a place of profits and fairs. After the working day dubious entertainments, hasty, noisy, fake and glittery to pep up the tired businessmen for a few hours. But not to make him think, money, women, sparkling wine, cheap theatre, so that they have no time for anything serious, apart from their exhausting business. The views and the endless stupidly predigested pictures of the cinema, their wives, made up, manicured, hollow accoutrements, neglected with jiggaloes in hotel rooms and a tea-dances. What sort of life is that? Is life nothing just because an artist doesn't like the way it is lived?
制造不好，工厂产品不好，起泡酒不好，自私自利的女人尤其不好，但手工艺好，传统好，认真态度尤其好。让我们推倒这些堆积如山的工业制品和一切工厂垃圾，暴露出其背后的虚无，格罗斯这样呼吁他的艺术家同行们。但像他这样的艺术家，只是过去时代的残余、崩塌的废墟。他知道变革即将来临。格罗斯表示，他宁可被视为二流，也不愿放弃利用他的画作表达关于我们国家社区的声音，而且他并非在讽刺。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
Make up bad, factory products bad, sparkling wine bad, women who take men for themselves very bad, craft on the other hand, good, tradition good, sense of seriousness particularly good. Let us pull down the stack of manufactured objects and all the factory trash and show the ghostly nothing behind them, gross said, appealing to his artist colleagues. But oh, artists like him were only crumbled, fallen ruins of a past time he went on and knew a change was coming. He would rather be seen as second-rate, gross said, than give up using his pictures to say something about our national community, and he didn't mean it ironically.
在同一年，格罗斯失去了与画廊老板阿尔弗雷德·弗莱赫特海姆的合同，后者面临越来越严重的经济困境，甚至要求艺术家返还他已支付的预付款。实际上，是美国及其疲惫的商人帮助格罗斯摆脱了困境。1932年，他在纽约获得了一份教学职位。1933年1月12日，他移居美国，并将他的孩子们接了过来。他离开后的几个小时内，追逐文化布尔什维克者的仇恨者闯入他的工作室，摧毁了一切他们找到的东西。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
In the same year, gross lost his contract with the gallery owner Alfred Flechtheim, who found himself in increasing financial difficulties, and even demanded that the artist return advances he had given him. It was America in fact and its tired businessman who helped gross out of the Maya. In 1932 he was given a teaching post in New York. On the 12th of January 1933 he moved to the United States and brought his children out after him. A few hours after he left, the essay feverishly came searching for the cultural Bolshevik broke down the door to his studio and wrecked everything they found there.
阅读格罗斯在《艺术报》上的文章时，我感到更加不安，因为尽管左右两派是死敌，但他们在对社会既定体制的憎恨上却走到了一起。乔治·格罗斯一直将德国描绘得像一个贪婪、鲁莽和令人厌恶的地方，仿佛是一家糟糕透顶的低级酒馆。然而，当共和国遭受严重攻击时，看到他这样的人对共和国几乎毫无支持，还是令人震惊。格罗斯把有价值的德国作品与废物相对比，将真实与工厂产品相对比，将诚实与商业化相对比，把德国传统少女的形象与文明的堕落对立起来。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
It's all the more troubling reading Gross's essay in Kunstblatt to sense the extent to which both right and left, even though they were deadly enemies, had come together in their hatred of the establishment. George Gross had always portrayed Germany as horish, greedy, reckless and repellent, as a horrible, low dive, but it is still startling to see how little support the Republic received from someone like him when it came most heavily under fire. Gross set valuable German work against junk, authenticity against factory rubbish, honesty against commerciality, grating the traditional image of the German maiden against the whores of civilisation.
他欢快地在对消费主义的批评和道德说教之间来回跳跃。将对资本主义的批判融入文化批评，使这种攻击显得完整。资本主义看起来像是一个令人沮丧的单一制度，把爱情驱逐出性，把质量驱逐出商品，把体面驱逐出工作，把意义驱逐出艺术。就像在通货膨胀的年代，妓院成为一个固定的观念，一个对据称正在饿死的共和国的毒辣隐喻。不过，在此之前，这个地方需要从上到下彻底清理。当然，在文化评论家中，对繁忙的Vima的反感并非完全没有理由。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
He bounced merrily back and forth between criticism of consumerism and moral preaching. Joining a critique of capitalism into cultural criticism made the attack complete. Capitalism appeared as a single demoralising institution that drove love out of sex, quality out of commodities, respectability out of work and meaning out of art. As in the years of inflation, the brothel became a fixed idea, a poisonous metaphor for a republic that was supposedly starving to death. Until then though, the place needed to be radically cleansed from top to bottom. The aversion among cultural critics to the bustle of Vima was, of course, not entirely unjustified.
许多社会成员继续表现得好像所有闪闪发光的东西都是金子。歌舞表演后来成为整个共和国的隐喻绝非巧合。在贫困背景下曾经显得轻浮的事物如今看来变得格外刺眼。现代化暴露了自身的缺陷，实用主义展现出其缺乏情感，而持续的讽刺表现出一种漠不关心的态度。的确，有很多值得抱怨的地方，但从维玛共和国一开始就存在的极端戏剧化倾向意味着，敏锐的文化批评自然而然地走向了歇斯底里的文化悲观主义。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
Much of society went on acting as if all that blitted were gold. It was no coincidence that the cabaret would later become a metaphor for the Republic as a whole. Things that had once been merely frivolous in the context of poverty came to look obscene. Modernity revealed its shortcomings, pragmatism its lack of heart, constant irony its blasé indifference. There was much to complain about and quite rightly, but the fatal inclination to overdramatise things that had been present in the Vima Republic from the beginning meant that keen-eyed cultural criticism automatically led to hysterical cultural pessimism.
精神上、文化上和艺术上普遍盛行的是无形、碎片化和混杂，是他们所经历过的最绝望的无可救药的时代。这种情绪及类似的观点出现在令知识分子担忧的文章中，当他们评论这个时代时。这种风格突然变得歇斯底里。几乎每一个问题都被视为至关重要的，没有一种趋势不被炒作为历史的转折点。人们再次频繁地认为自己正处于新时代的门槛前。甚至连要求更多内心反思的呼声，都被明确地表达为对激进转变方向的迫切需求。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
What prevailed spiritually, culturally and artistically was formlessness, fragmentation, mishmash, the most god-forsaken hopelessness that they had ever been. This and similar was the tone of the articles that worried intellectuals wrote when commenting on the times. All of a sudden, the style was hysterical. There was barely a question that wasn't a crucial one, no trend that couldn't be psyched up as a historical turning point. Once again, at every available moment, people saw themselves at the portal to a new age. Even demands for more inward reflection were formulated as an unequivocal call for a radical change of direction.
今天的话题是大众、呼喊、目标和文件。明天的话题将是内心、自我、沉默、目标和结构，这些都是这个时代听起来夸张的诊断之一。向激进主义和戏剧化发展的致命倾向并没有因为经济危机而停止。人们对新生活、新女性、新国际化城市或新生活寄予的过高希望，随后是新的忧虑和无尽的失望。危机巨大，贫困严重，但它们并不像很多人认为的那样无望。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
Today the topic is the mass, the cries, the goal, a document. Tomorrow the topic will be inwardness, the self, silence, the goal, structure, was one of the many inflationary sounding diagnoses of the age. The fatal tendency towards radicalism and dramatisation did not stop with the economic crisis. The overheated hopes of salvation that had been attached to new living, the new woman, the new cosmopolitan city or the new life were followed by new worries and boundless disappointment. The crisis was huge and the poverty great, but neither was it as hopeless as it was held to be by wide circles of people.
真正将事情描绘得最糟的并不是那些真正挨饿的人，而是中产阶级。中产阶级因为焦虑而受折磨，对未来失去信心。民族社会主义者（也就是纳粹）正好迎合了这种恐惧。他们擅长将经济萧条转化为心理危机，以一种让即使生活还算不错的人也变得感伤，并感到急需拯救的方式来描述它。极右翼很少直接以物质贫困为目标，而是专攻心理上的痛苦，那种希特勒所说的他人民中令人心碎的分裂感。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
It was not the really starving who painted it in the worst light, but the middle classes, who were tormented by anxiety and whose confidence had fled. The national socialists had just the ticket for such fears. They were skilled at turning an economic depression into a mental crisis and describing it in such a way that even people who were reasonably well off grew mordlin and felt profoundly in need of salvation. It was seldom material poverty that the far right targeted, but psychological pain, the heartbreaking fragmentation that Hitler diagnosed in his people.
新的“人”沉溺于自怜之中。共和国初期，人们满怀热情地期待着这样的人出现，但他们却阴沉地走在那些看不见的战场上，西方的思想结构在这些地方被碾为尘土。这是保守革命的编年史家阿明·莫勒对这种情形的描述。某些人玩悠悠球，而另一些人则感到厌恶和愤怒。他们想象着一场自条顿战士击败罗马入侵者以来从未见过的民族解放运动。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
The new human being dissolved in self-pity. Enthusiastically awaited at the beginning of the Republic, he or she strode grimly over those invisible battlefields on which the intellectual structures of the West have been ground to dust. That was the partisan description given by the chronicler of the conservative revolution, Armin Moller. While some people played yo-yo, others felt revulsion and rage. It imagined a national liberation like nothing seen since the battle of the Toytoboga Valte, when the Teutonic warriors defeated their Roman invaders.
右翼政治势力不乏煽动性言论。他们的文章中充满了似是而非的矛盾，比如人们以一种忧伤的热情走向战场，或者宣称一种神奇的复原力。德国人欣赏他们的失败，因为这些失败可以让他们焕发活力。极右翼作家弗朗茨·绍沃甚至宣称要对他自己所属于的统治阶级开战。1931年，这位金融和媒体企业家在哈茨堡联盟的成立大会上慷慨激昂地宣称：“这里是大多数的德国人民。我们向这些职位的承租者、权力掌控者、政治领袖以及垂死组织的拥有者和剥削者发出呼声。我们向统治党派发出呼声。一个新世界正在崛起。我们不再需要你们。”
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
The political right were not short of inflammatory rhetoric. Their writings are full of plausible paradoxes, like the melancholy enthusiasm with which people were to go into battle, or the promise of a miraculous resilience. The German enjoys his defeats, because they are rejuvenating the far right author Franz Schauw was able to declare war on the ruling class to which he himself belonged. In 1931 the financial and media entrepreneur roared at the founding assembly of the Hartsborga Font. Here is the majority of the German people. It calls to the leaseholders of the offices, the holders of power and the political leaders, the owners and exploiters of dying organizations. It calls to the ruling parties. A new world is on the rise. We don't want you anymore.
消费气候中的乐观宣传
那些希望社会秩序维持现状的资产阶级力量，对于这些残酷的战争宣言几乎无言以对。年轻的共和国正经历其第二次严重经济危机，公众对其信任正每月下滑。该如何应对日益加剧的动荡？自由派眼睁睁看着焦虑和歇斯底里、仇恨和嗜血的情绪增长，却无能为力。
1931年，莱比锡的图书管理员汉斯·普雷岑特出版了一本名为《前进之路》的图画书，展示了德国的卓越表现。这本摄影集由莱比锡的右派出版公司Britekopfontherthel发行，旨在德国最艰难的时刻向其人民展示其能力的镜子，呈现了从Tsukschbitzbahn缆车到跨越易北河的Mittleland运河等奇迹般的技术成就。人们惊叹地凝视着福伊特螺旋涡轮机、巨大的巨型船闸工程，以及从海德格尔到爱因斯坦的思想家肖像，配有简短而振奋人心的评论。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
Campaigns of optimism for the climate of consumption The bourgeois forces who had an interest in the social order continuing as it was had little effective to say in response to these brutal declarations of war. Trust in the Young Republic, which was now living through its second violent economic crisis was flagging from month to month. How was one to counter the growing disturbances? Liberals looked on helplessly at the anxiety and hysteria, hatred and bloodlust that were growing. In 1931 the Leipzig librarian Hans Prezent brought out a book of pictures under the title The Way Forward, a picture show of German peak performance. The volume of photographs, which was published by the otherwise very right-wing publishing company, Britekopfontherthel in Leipzig, wanted to hold up before the German people at the time of its greatest need a mirror of its capabilities and presented miraculous technical accomplishments from the Tsukschbitzbahn cable car to the Mittleland canal that crossed the river Elbe on a bridge. Members gazed in wonder at the Voigt spiral turbines, mammoth projects such as the giant boatlift, as well as portraits of thinkers from Heidegger to Einstein, with brief and cheering commentaries.
根据齐柏林公司负责人胡戈·埃克纳的前言，现在所需要的只是信念——对我们自己民族使命的信念。这种信念正如燃料一般，能推动经济引擎翻越高山。沃尔希泰因和所有报业公司一样，面临着发行量和广告收入下滑的威胁，因此依靠乐观态度。在这个领域，人们领悟到，许多经济力量依赖于健康的环境，并由此转变为一种信念，即只要努力相信经济会好转，它就会自然而然地改善。在沃尔希泰因-布里斯特的客户杂志中，公司不断声称情况即将好转。由公司自身信仰于1928年创办的沃尔希泰因的热门报纸《Tempeur》，作为德国现代化程度最高、无疑引领现代消费主义潮流的日报，勇敢地将危机排除在其版面之外。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
What was needed now, according to the preface by the head of the Zeppelin works, Hugor Ekner, was only faith. Faith in the mission of our own people. This was the fuel that would carry the engine of the economy over the mountain. Wolchstein, threatened by a drop in circulation and advertising revenue like all newspaper publishers, relied on optimism. In that field, the insight that much economic power relied on a healthy atmosphere turned into a conviction that one only had to believe hard enough in an upswing and it would come about all by itself. In its customer magazine, Wolchstein-Brist, the company never tired of asserting that things were about to get better. Wolchstein's popular newspaper, Tempeur, founded in 1928 by its own conviction, the most modern daily newspaper in Germany and without a doubt, the newspaper of modern consumerism bravely kept the crisis out of its pages.
任何阅读《Tempeur》的人都会感受到生活在一个更美好的未来中，在这个世界里充满了汽车、电话、冰箱、电钻和海外度假。即使这些物品对德国市场来说仍然太过昂贵，但在经济数据向好和工资上涨的情况下，这种乐观的编辑方向运作良好。读者心甘情愿地被这样的希望所鼓舞，认为终有一天他们自己也会成为现代消费主义世界的一员，如同文章中所描绘的那样。但是信心现在已经消退。汉斯·法拉达在小说《小人物，路在何方》中，不无缘由地将橱窗设置为英雄遭受最大屈辱的地方。然而，在1931年2月，当汽车制造商接连破产时，《Tempeur》仍试图郑重其事地告诉读者，一辆大众汽车的问世已经指日可待。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
Anyone reading Tempeur would have had a sense of living in a better future, in a world full of cars, telephones, fridges, electric drills and holidays abroad. Even if many of these objects were still far too expensive for the German market, the optimistic editorial direction worked well as long as the economic figures were pointing upwards and wages were rising. Readers were content to be fed on the hope that eventually they themselves would belong to the world of modern consumerism as it was portrayed here. But confidence had now gone. Hans Falada, not without reason, makes a shop window the site of his hero's greatest humiliation in the novel Little Man What Now. But in February 1931, while motor car producers were going bankrupt one after another, Tempeur wanted in all seriousness to tell its readers that the introduction of a people's car was on the verge of happening.
他们甚至透露了他们用来承诺如此惊人效果的心理方法。我们迫切需要创造一种不同的潮流，一种更好的情绪潮流。认为经济由数字构成或从数字中产生是错误的。冲动总是来自于情绪。原则上，认为改变条件是一种可行的方法来阻止经济下滑并不是完全错误的。然而，由于缺乏国家投资和零增长的紧缩政策，一家报社试图通过纯粹的意志力来抵抗经济趋势的英勇努力最终归于失败。1932年的乌尔斯坦报告中包含了一些纸张，这些是与乌尔斯坦合作的公司本该分发给顾客的。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
They even gave away the psychological method that allowed them to make such outrageous promises. We urgently need to create a different fashion, a better mood fashion. It is wrong to assume that the economy consists of figures or emerges from figures. The impulse always comes from mood. In principle it was not so wrong to believe that transfiguring the conditions represented a practicable way of hindering the downturn. This valiant attempt on the part of a newspaper to buck the economic trend by sheer effort of will inevitably came to grief in the absence of state investments and an austerity policy of zero growth. The Ulstein reports of 1932 contain sheets of paper that the companies who advertised with Ulstein were supposed to distribute to their customers.
购买的人创造了工作。工作带来收入，从而使你的商品得以出售。因此，请加入我们，为健康的消费乐观主义而奋斗，并从你自己的后院开始实践。我们很难认为，为消除购买恐惧而采取的如此绝望的行动能增强对共和国未来的信心。至少在Tempeur团队中，士气正在急剧下降。突然间，连Tempeur也在警告现代生活节奏过快。科技发展的速度远远超过了我们的灵魂，我们在后面无助地蹒跚而行。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
He who buys makes work. Work makes earnings with which your goods are sold. Therefore fight with us for healthy purchasing optimism and start in your own interest in your own backyard. We can hardly assume that such desperate actions against the fear of buying boosted confidence in the future of the Republic. On the Tempeur team at least the mood was plummeting. Suddenly even Tempeur was warning against the pace of modern life. Technology was rushing so far ahead of our souls that we hobble along helplessly behind it.
这家报纸以风度翩翩的记者闻名，他们假装连续四年以实时报道新鲜事为己任，如今却开始倡导慢节奏，更注重邻里生活，减少对城市的依赖。他们提倡省份的崛起、农业浪漫主义和生态环境。在经济萧条的背景下，城市的光环逐渐消退。危机也蔓延到了乡村，但很少有人挨饿。即使要从田里偷，仍然总能找到吃的。不过，这里的情况也十分凄惨。物价下跌、税收增加，许多农民无法偿还债务，税款也拖欠不缴。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
The newspaper of the dashing reporters that had pretended for four years that it was reporting in real time every line of novelty was now arguing for slowness, more neighbourhood, less city. The Uprising of the Provinces, agrarian romanticism and ecology. The halo of the city faded with the economic depression. The crisis had also spread to the countryside but very few people were going hungry. There was always something to eat even if you had to steal it from the field. Nonetheless the situation was pitiful here too. Prices had dropped, taxes had risen. Many farmers could no longer pay back their debts and fell behind on their tax payments.
他们经常光顾村庄，通常由两名警察陪同，因为愤怒的农民常会拿起斧头和干草叉把官员赶出土地。1929年，政府意识到农民也可能罢工。在靠近丹麦边境的诺伊明斯特，农民示威后数月，他们拒绝向城市供应肉类、谷物和牛奶。整个德国北部，特别是迪特马尔申地区，爆发了不安、骚乱和炸弹袭击。在东部地区，几乎没有小型或中型农场，那里的农业工人为地主和管理者工作，冲突也在升级。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
They lifts became regular guests in villages, usually accompanied by two police officers because the furious farmers would often reach for access and pitchforks to chase the officials off their land. In 1929 the Republic learned that farmers could go on strike as well. After a demonstration by farmers in Neumannster close to the Danish border for months farmers refused to supply the city with meat, grain and milk. The whole of the German north, particularly the area of Dittmarshan, saw unrest, riots and bomb attacks. In the east too, where there were hardly any smaller or middle-sized farms but where barrect agricultural workers worked for the land owner and his administrator conflicts escalated.
农民从一开始就没有对共和国产生好感。1918年共和国宣布成立时，战争在他们看来还没有结束。在战争期间，农民不得不以远低于市场的价格，把大量收成交给国家。国家这样做是为了在战争期间能持续给城市供应肉类、牛奶、土豆和谷物。由于战争结束后困境并没有立即缓解，政府只是继续维持这种强制缴纳的制度。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
Farmers had not warmed to the Republic from the outset. At the time of its proclamation in 1918 the war was still going on as far as they were concerned. During the war farmers had to give a considerable share of their harvest to the state, at prices far below market value. State control had been intended to keep the cities supplied with meat, milk, potatoes and grain throughout the conflict. As hardship had not come to an end all of a sudden after it ended the government had simply stuck to the system of forced contributions.
直到1923年，粮食生产才完全恢复到自由市场。在农民看来，这只是再正常不过的事情。在他们眼中，德国社会民主党（SPD）只为城市客户服务，并以牺牲农民利益为代价，给市民提供最优惠的价格。而在农村居民看来，其他政党一旦在柏林执政后，也只考虑城市居民的福祉，并竭尽所能地剥削农民。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
It was not until 1923 that grain production had been returned entirely to the free market. In the eyes of the farmers that was only typical. As far as they were concerned the SPD had a reputation of serving only their urban clientele and giving city-dwellers the best possible prices at the farmers expense. But in the eyes of the rural population the other parties as soon as they were in government in Berlin also only considered the well-being of the city-dwellers and exploited the farmers to the best of their ability.
事实上，与战前相比，他们的税负大大增加，即使在战争期间农业生产力有所下降。很少有人拥有拖拉机，许多小农场主甚至没有马来拉他们的犁或车。奶牛常被用作役用动物。然而，德国的农业远非统一。当人们从东到西或从北到南旅行时，会发现农业景观发生了巨大的变化。很难想象有哪个国家比德国更具多样性，因为各地的农场根据完全不同的原则和传统进行运作。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
In fact their tax burden had risen hugely in comparison with pre-war times even though the productivity of agriculture had dropped during the war. Very few had tractors and many small farmers didn't even have a horse to put before their plow or cart. Cows were used as draft animals. However German agriculture was far from uniform. It altered drastically when one travelled from east to west or north to south. It's hard to imagine a country more diverse than that of Germany where farms operated according to completely different principles and traditions from region to region.
在东部地区，有大地主，他们雇佣农业工人和季节工人。在西北部和巴伐利亚，有许多中型农场，他们雇佣农场工人和女仆。在西南部，有无数的兼职农民，他们白天在附近的工厂工作。尽管大地主、大农场和小农场、农场工人、收割工人以及小地块所有者之间的利益差异可能很复杂，但几乎所有人都在一个问题上达成了一致：共和国没有为他们做任何事情。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
In the east were the large landowners with their agricultural and seasonal workers. In the northwest and Bavaria many medium-sized farms with farm hands and maids. In the southwest countless part-time farmers who worked in nearby factories during the day. As great as the complicated differences in interests might have been between large landowners, large and small farmers, teams of farm hands, reapers and owners of small holdings there was one point on which they almost all agreed. The republic did nothing for them.
社民党（SPD）一直未能成功与农业工人建立长期联系，因为工业工厂中的集体谈判原则不易在农场中实施。很快就显而易见，农村的日常生活和工作无法像城市那样轻松地分成工作、休闲和睡眠三个部分。在乡村，工作方式有所不同。农业生活与社民党的原则格格不入，而人们认为德国共产党（KPD）则处于完全不同的世界。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
The SPD had never succeeded in establishing a long-term bond with agricultural workers and the principle of collective bargaining in an industrial factory is not easily transferable to a farm. It soon became apparent that everyday life and work in the countryside could not be divided so easily into the three parts of work, leisure and sleep that now formed the working day of the city. Some work differently in the rural world. Agricultural life was very much at odds with the principles of the SPD and the KPD was perceived as inhabiting a completely different world.
在现代化进程中，兼职农民可能起到了桥梁的作用，尤其是在德国西南部，他们承担了大部分的农业生产。在这个地区，家庭中的男性白天去工厂上班，晚上和周末则在家务农。尽管他们的生活分为两个部分，但正是农业的那一部分让他们倍感自豪。与那些在经济危机时总是挨饿的纯工业工人相比，他们的那片土地让他们变得更好，或至少更安全，更有自信和自尊。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
Part-time farmers could have formed a bridge with the modern age since in southwest Germany in particular they were responsible for a large proportion of agricultural production. Here the male members of a family went to the factory during the day. They took care of the farm in the evening and at the weekend. But it was the agricultural part of their lives that brought them all the pride of their divided existence. Their patches of earth turned them into something better or at least more secure with more confidence and self-respect compared with the purely industrial workers who went hungry every time there was a crisis.
所以在许多方面，乡村与现代化格格不入。住在乡村的人对城市居民持怀疑态度，感到被忽视、被低估。多年来，许多人从乡村涌向城市，这一点一直削弱着村民的自信心。有人抱怨，最优秀的人已经离开了乡村。很多年轻女性为了追求更好的生活而逃往城市，这也被视为对乡村男性的严重打击，仿佛继续留在乡村就显得愚蠢。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
So in many respects, the countryside was at odds with modernity. Its inhabitants suspected the city dwellers and felt shortchanged, undervalued, underestimated. The fact that people had streamed to the city from the countryside for years had nagged away at the confidence of the villagers. The best had moved away, people complained. As if it were a sign of stupidity to stay, that so many young women had fled to seek their fortune in the city was also seen as a serious blow to rural men.
罗安诺·坦兹曼（Roanor Tunzman）是为农场工人发声的一位极具口才的代言人，他认为那些离开的女性正面临可怕的命运。受到了贪婪、追求享乐的诱惑，被生活中各种空虚的喧嚣声吸引，沉迷于政府政治、百货商店、剧院里的喧闹东方犹太胡言乱语。在那里，这些女性背离了母性，用化妆代替洗衣，用赌场和网球取代工作。对坦兹曼及其同伴来说，城市是德意志民族的集体坟墓。他们认为这样做正在摧毁国家的遗产，精神上和身体上破坏着人们。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
Roanor Tunzman, one of the most eloquent spokesman on behalf of farm workers, saw the women who left as facing a terrible fate. Seduced by greed, pleasure-seeking, by hollow noise in every area of life, by noisy oriental Jewish nonsense in state politics, department stores, theatres. The women there were vamps alienated from motherhood. They replaced washing with makeup and work with roulette and tennis. For Tunzman and his companions, the city was the mass grave of the German people. They were destroying the nation's legacy, wrecking people spiritually and physically.
如果一个民族太高傲而不愿耕种自己的土地，那么它就会在历史中消失。为了改变这种情况，图兹曼与一群志同道合的人一起创立了德国农业学院和阿塔曼联盟。这两个组织以其充满激情的农业理念和有组织的东部定居旅行吸引了3万名成员，其中大多数是年轻人。来自波兰边境乌瓦拉齐茨的图兹曼，是少数真正的农民之一，虽然周围有许多为耕犁鼓吹的人。他性格顽固，既为纳粹提供论点和信徒，也能毫不犹豫地与之争执。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
A people that was too good to work the soil of the homeland would write itself out of history. Along with a group of like-minded people, Tunzman founded the German Agricultural College and the Ataman League, which attracted 30,000 mostly very young members with its euphoric approach to farming in general and its organized settlement trips to the east. Tunzman from Uwalazitz on the Polish border was one of the few real farmers among the many propagandists for plow and soil, a stubborn character who provided the Nazis with arguments and devotees but was equally likely to pick a fight with them.
来自城市的代表批判现代生活的田园浪漫主义者，并非来自乡村。这些民俗激进派对乡村生活的颂歌让农民感到受宠若惊。乡村就像是一片空白的大田地，除了现实中农民对经济的疑虑外，不同寻常的意识形态抵抗现代生活的“植物”在此蓬勃发展。任何从右翼反对共和国的人都可以在这里找到大量抗议的潜力。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
Representatives of an agrarian romantic critique of modern life didn't come from the countryside at all but from the cities. The farmers were flattered by the songs of praise that these folkish radicals sang to rural life. The countryside was a big blank field in which, alongside the economic suspicion of actual farmers, very different plants of ideological resistance to modern life were able to flourish. Anyone who opposed the republic from the right could find any amount of potential for protest here.
其中一位按部就班的纳粹主义者是瓦尔塔·达雷。他是一位多语言的商人之子，同时也是马匹饲养者。在1930年被希特勒聘为农业事务顾问。同年，达雷撰写了《血与土的新贵族》一书，将畜牧学理论、反犹太种族主义和田园浪漫主义结合在一起，赞美北欧人种的优越性。根据达雷的说法，这种北欧种族贵族精神沉睡在人口基因中，与真正乡村生活的斗争和焦虑无关，但对那些受到屈辱的乡村灵魂来说，却异常令人自豪。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
One conveyor belt conformist Nazi was Valta Daray, a polyglot businessman son and horse breeder taken on by Hitler in 1930 as an agricultural affairs advisor. That same year Daray wrote the book A New Aristocracy of Blood and Soil, which combined theories on animal husbandry, anti-Semitic racial nonsense and peasant romanticism into an apotheosis of the Nordic human being. The Nordic racial aristocracy which according to Daray slumbered in the genes of the rural population had little to do with the struggles and anxieties of real rural life but was all the more flattering to the humiliated rural soul.
达雷、坦斯曼、罗森伯格和其他一些人给纳粹党提供了他们需要的宣传工具，以吸引农村人口。他们的言辞既大胆又粗俗，能够同时吸引农民和他们的雇工、地主和他们的收割工。他们表达对城市的仇恨方式，让城市居民也能产生共鸣。一旦他们认为自己是被异化的受害者，便会意识到这会让他们长期感到不适。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
Daray, Tansmann, Rosenberg and some others gave the NSDAP the propaganda ammunition they needed to beguile the rural population. Loudmouth and uncouth enough to appeal to the farmers as much as their farm hands, the junkers as much as their reapers. And they expressed their hatred of the city in such a way that the city dwellers could share it. Once they saw themselves as victims of an alienation that supposedly made them ill in the longer term.
达雷和坦斯曼认为城市本质上与德国的天性格格不入，它们起源于东方，是一种外来的发明。在他们看来，城市是游牧思想和无情文化的聚集地，是全球化的象征，永远无法取代真正的家园。然而，有一种生物在本质上与德国人相似，那就是猪。1933年，达雷发表了一本带有种族歧视色彩的小册子，题为《猪——评判北欧民族与閃米特人的标准》。他在其中描述相对不怎么移动的家猪，认为这是定居的德国人与流动的外国人之间的区别特征。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
Daray and Tansmann identified the city as something essentially alien to German nature, an originally oriental invention. In their eyes, cities were places of nomadic thinking and a ruthless culture, places of globalization that could never replace a real home. One creature similar in essence to the German, however, was the pig. In 1933 Daray devoted a racist pamphlet to the innocent animal with the lovely title the pig as criterion for Nordic peoples and semites, in which he made the relatively immobile domestic pig a distinguishing feature between the sedentary Germans and rootless foreigners.
最顽固的田园浪漫主义并不在乡村，而是在城市中找到。城市的年轻人像万达·弗格一样，一周又一周地前往乡村，许多人梦想成为拓荒者、东部旅人，至少一年，成为东德拓荒者运动的一部分。在这里，他们可以加入农夫大军，解放受波兰季节性工人支配的农村，并通过播种和收割来提高自己的体能。在失业率不断上升的年代，前往人烟稀少的东北部地区的愿望变得如此强烈，以至于当地居民感到受到威胁，因为成群结队的鲁莽且不道德的人们从城市来到这里寻找工作。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
The most stubborn agrarian romanticism was to be found not in the countryside but in the city. Urban young people went to the countryside weekend after weekend as Vanda Fuger, many of them dreamed of being settlers, Eastland travelers, for at least a year as part of the settler movement in East Germany. Here they could join the army of Plowman to free the countryside of Polish seasonal workers, and above all to improve their own fitness by sewing and harvesting. In the years of growing unemployment, the urge to travel to the thinly populated northeast became so strong that the local residents felt threatened by the hordes of reckless, immoral people coming there from the city in search of work.
住在城市里的人可以通过翻阅画册来满足他们对土地的渴望。例如，1931年出版的《D. Funder Scholle, 来自土地的人》展示了56幅质朴人物的肖像，正如副标题所说。这些照片展示了那些朴实的人，根据前言所言，他们构成了整个国家不断更新的基石。其他一切都可能消逝，但农民永存。他们是民众，曾经如此，也将如此，是德国的民众。那些只能梦想安家落户于土地的人，至少会关注健康的饮食。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
City-dwellers who stayed at home could satisfy their longing for the land by looking at picture books. D. Funder Scholle, the ones from the land, for example, published in 1931, showed 56 portraits of down-to-earth people as the subtitle had it. The pictures showed earthy types who as the preface claimed formed the foundation on which the rest of the nation was constantly renewed. Everything else passes, the peasant remains. He is folk, as it was, German folk, as it will be. Those who could only dream of settling the land at least paid attention to healthy diets.
这段文字翻译成中文为：
推广素食和健康食品的Re Farmhouse Bevigong农舍改革运动，以及由奥地利教师和建筑师鲁道夫·施泰纳建立的整体性和神秘学教学体系——人智学，迅速兴起。1928年，生物动力迪美特联盟成立；1932年，为了保证生物动力食品的生产和加工，引入了迪美特认证标志。书市同样充满了对土地的向往。魏玛共和国时期不仅有反映城市生活的小说，还有与之相对的乡村小说，这些作品描绘了一种未被异化、易于管理的古朴生活。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
The vegetarian, health food promoting Re Farmhouse Bevigong, reform house movement, boomed, along with the holistic, mystical teachings of anthroposophy, an educational and creative system established by the Austrian teacher and architect, Rudolf Steiner. The year 1928 saw the foundation of the Biodynamic Demeter League, and in 1932 the Demeter Seal was introduced to guarantee the production and processing of biodynamic foodstuffs. The book market was also dominated by a yearning for the land. The Weimar Republic was typified not only by city novels, but by their opposite, peasant novels, which painted a picture of an unalienated, manageable, archaic life.
在这里，一个人仍然是一个人，土地肥沃，劳动的回报是实实在在的，就像自己亲手种下的果实那样纯粹。一天在平静的夜晚中结束，爱情既谦逊又富有，不像在城市中那样令人烦恼。如果我们在文学史中寻找海因里希·曼的对应者，那就会是在逛克尔斯塔特百货公司时，站在人群中亲切地大声朗读的学者。他就是来自扎尔兹博克地区的乡村教师卡尔·海因里希·瓦加尔。在33岁、因肺病太严重而无法继续他的职业生涯后，他的首部小说于1930年由因泽尔出版社出版。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
Here a man was still a man, the earth was fertile, and the reward for labour was tangible and tasted as pure as only a fruit can taste that one has planted oneself. The day ended peacefully at evening, and love, modest and rich, didn't cause the usual annoyance that it did in the city. If we seek a counterpart in literary history to Heinrich Mann, the academy who stood amidst the crowds of Kärstät department store lovingly reading out loud, we will find him in the village schoolmaster Karl Heinrich Waggall, from the region around Zaldsbork. His 33-year-old, two ill from tuberculosis to practice his profession, published his debut novel with Inzel Falag in 1930.
这本书取得了巨大的成功，销量达到了90,000册。书的主题和标题一样简短：一个看似从天而降的男人在荒野中找到一片土地，并令其焕发生机。他耕种、播种、收获，生活被简化到最基本的构成要素：几块木板、石头、一条需要改道的小溪、一只山羊和他日益熟练的双手。对于城市读者来说，《面包》是一种感官的治愈，特别是对那些在经济危机中担心失业的人而言。它让人感受到原始艰辛的光荣汗水，就像在那些无价值年代里成功的许多书籍一样，这本书也是一剂劳动的解药。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
The book was a raging success. Bread sold 90,000 copies. The book's subject matter was as sparse as the title was short. A man who appears as if from nowhere finds a piece of land in the wilderness and makes it blossom. He cultivates, sows, and harvests, a life reduced to its most elementary components. A few planks, stones, a stream that he has to divert, a goat and the skill of his fast-learning hands. For the reader from the city, Bread was a healing treatment for the senses, particularly for someone who feared the loss of his job in the economic crisis. It tasted like the glorious sweat of primal drudgery, an apothecary of labour like many successful books of those worthless years.
对瓦戈来说，现代时代从下一个村庄开始。作为读者，我们总是乐见主人公能够摆脱小镇的波涛汹涌的阴谋，回到他自己的土地上。随着经济危机的到来，民间作家获得了足够的推动力来发动攻击。1930年，汉堡作家威廉·斯塔普，一个狂热的反犹主义者，公开呼吁乡村起来对抗城市。他表示，当德国乡村的农民开始对柏林上演的事情感到不满时，德国的知识分子也会反对柏林的知识界所宣传的内容。德国人民的精神正在崛起，以对抗柏林的智力。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
For Vago, the modern age began in the next village. As a reader, one is always happy when the hero is able to turn his back on the little town with its seething intrigues and get back to his plot of land. With the economic crisis, folkish authors received enough of a boost to go on the attack. In 1930, the Hamburg author Wilhelm Stapu, a fanatical anti-Semite, openly called for an uprising by the countryside against the city. He said, just as a peasant from the German countryside begins to feel rebellious against what is being played out in Berlin, the educated German will resist what the intellectuals of Berlin are propagating. The spirit of the German people is rising up against the intellect of Berlin.
斯塔普成为了自封的代言人，代表那些感到被柏林文化界愚弄的沉默多数人。据说，柏林的文化影响了整个共和国的文化。然而，人们在这座城市所看到的并不是让人陶醉的唯美主义，而是自由主义、女性解放、粗俗的语言和不敬的讽刺。在经济大萧条初期，这些元素曾是柏林自由左翼文化和媒体界的魅力所在，吸引人的是那股自由和汽油的迷人气息。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
Stapu became the self-appointed spokesman for the silent majority that felt duped by the Berlin cultural scene, which supposedly shaped the culture of the Republic. Rather than edifying aestheticism, what one saw in the city was nothing but libertarianism, women's emancipation, coarse language, and disrespectful irony. While the beginning of the Depression, these ingredients had constituted the charm of the liberal left-wing Berlin cultural and media scene, the beguiling odour of freedom and petrol.
由于乐观情绪已从公共生活中消退，柏林文化生活的现代性似乎变得不再那么具有感染力，反而更加排外。对那些受到衰退威胁的人来说，现代时代不再像是所有人的自由，而更像是少数人的享乐。这种情绪加剧了谬误的说法，即现代艺术是腐败精英破坏性的创作，企图驱逐人民的灵魂。希特勒对所谓堕落艺术的攻击后来对他的成功非常重要，因为这包括了这样一种保证：未来由人民发起的艺术将符合大众的品味。通过这种方式，他利用文化政策来强化一种印象，即纳粹统治是由人民掌控的，而民主已被一个自恋的精英主导，他们用少数人的文化恐吓大众。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
But since optimism had fled from public life, the modernity of Berlin's cultural life seemed to have become less infectious and more exclusive. For those threatened by decline, the modern age felt less like freedom for all and more like pleasure for a few. That intensified into the delusional claim that the modern arts were the destructive work of a corrupt elite that wanted to drive the soul out of the people. Hitler's campaign against degenerate art would later be of prime importance for his success, because it included an assurance that the future folk-start people stayed, would be geared towards the taste of the people. In this way, he used cultural policy to reinforce the impression that Nazi rule was ruled by the people, while democracy had been dominated by a self-infatuated elite, terrorizing the people with its minority culture.
在他各种号召中，威尔赫姆·斯塔普特意针对了一位特定作者的都市文学，这位作者就是阿尔弗雷德·德布林，他的代表作是小说《柏林亚历山大广场》。这位医生兼作家在《弗斯报》上回应了斯塔普关于乡村反抗城市的号召，并讽刺地提到那个平坦国度的艺术在叛逆地发表意见。这听起来像是冷静和放松的，但德布林感到不安。他与柏林似乎是不可分割的。这位作家一直视这座城市为其思想的沃土，将人群视为他的缪斯，他乐意顺从于人群那混乱的声音。然而，现在他开始觉得这人群令他不安。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
In his various calls to arms, Wilhelm Stapu specifically targeted the urban literature of one particular author, Alfred Dublin, author of the novel, Berlin Alexander Platz. The doctor and writer replied to Stapu's call for an uprising of the land against the city in the Fossechitzitung and spoke ironically of the art of that very flat country rebelliously having its say. It sounded controlled and relaxed, but Dublin had been made to feel insecure. Dublin and Berlin seemed inseparable. The author had always seen the city as the top soil of all his thoughts and the crowd as his muse, to whose confusion of voices he was only too happy to yield. But now he was finding the crowd unsettling.
他甚至在自己的小说《柏林亚历山大广场》结尾处，用超过60段不同的城市漫步描绘了主人公弗朗茨·比伯科普夫如何穿过人群，伴随着音乐和歌声走向一个开放的未来。爱德华·晨曦，红色的落日，照亮我们走向早逝，左右左右，齐步走，走向战斗。我们有一百个玩伴，一个停下，另一个倒下，一个继续奔跑，另一个默默无声。砰砰，砰砰。这是城市远见卓识小说的结局。1931年，Dublin写道，暴民是你人性地图上的白色斑点。庞大而无形的人群是当今最引人注目也是最可怕的事实。它不应被鄙视，而应引起我们的震撼。他担心，这庞大而不成熟的人群会推搡着、挤压着、四处流动，决定每个人的命运。它会形成一支灰色的军队，将旧世界摧毁。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
He had even ended his novel, Berlin Alexander Platz, in which over 60 passages contain different walks through the city, with crowds moving past the protagonist, Franz Bieberkopf, with music and song into an open future. Edward Dawn, Red Sunset, lighting us to an early death, and keeping pace right and left and right and left march, march into battle we go, a hundred playmates with us, one stops, another falls, one runs on, another lies mute. Vida boom, vida boom. The ending of a farsighted novel of the city. The mob was the white patch on the atlas of your humanity, Dublin wrote in 1931. Huge and unformed, the crowd is the most striking and the most terrible fact of today. It was not to be despised, rather one should be shaken by it. This huge immature mass of people pushed and shoved, hither and thither would determine everyone's fate he feared. It would form into a grey army and bring the old world crashing down.
都柏林借着年轻学生古斯塔夫·里尼-霍克的一封信，写下了一些随性的回复，并将这些回复集结成一本思考随笔，书名近似列宁风格，叫做《否与变》。然而，这本书很难满足年轻人提出的需求。书中内容狂放不羁，富有想象力又显得有些心不在焉，时而像校长般严肃，时而高深诗意，时而显得幼稚，但同时又充满巧妙的见解和闪耀的洞察力。都柏林试图全面展开人类的问题，引用了他脑海中一闪而过的各种人物，无论是敌人还是标语制造者，包括卢塔、马克思、古特尔、黑格尔、工人阶级的资产阶级和知识分子，并将诸如“哲学问题展示风向如何变化”的标题随意抛出。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
Dublin had taken a letter from the young student, Gustaf Rini-Hocker, who had written asking him out of inner necessity for intelligent words about the current situation, as an opportunity to write some loose replies and bundle them together into a book of deliberations, to which he gave the almost Leninesque title, No and Change. The book was hardly likely to satisfy the young man's needs, however. It was a wild, extravagant, distracted treatise, alternately headmasterly, lofty, poetic and naive, but at the same time subtle and full of sparkling insights. Dublin had intended nothing less than a roll-out of the human problem, and drawn upon everyone who happened to fly through his head, whether as adversaries or slogan-makers, Lutta, Marx, Gute, Heegel, the working-class bourgeoisie, the intelligentsia, throwing around headings like philosophical problems show how the wind blows or doesn't blow.
他充满无拘无束的快乐，投入了这场纷争，发表意见的热情正是共和国的典型特征。人们很快注意到，作者对正在发生的事情了解得和学生一样少，但他仍然不停地写作，疲于自我矛盾，被弥漫在空气中的巨大压力所驱动，而这些压力对他这样一位人群中的人物来说，比对几乎任何人都更敏感。都柏林渴望社区生活，建议加强私人领域的重要性。他在文章中写到，他确信公共领域必须被拆解。他认为，必须大力强化私人生活，并通过此来削弱国家。然而，他并不知道该如何实现这一目标。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
He threw himself into the fray with an uncontrolled delight in the expression of opinions that was so typical of the Republic. One notices quickly that the author had no more of a notion about what was going on than the student did, and yet he wrote and wrote, breathlessly contradicting himself, driven onward by the terrible tensions that lay in the air to which he, the man of the crowd, was more sensitive than almost anyone else. Dublin felt a longing for community and recommended the invocation of the private. He was convinced, he wrote, that the public sphere must be dismantled. A powerful intensification of private life was necessary and a weakening of the state impelled by that. He did not, however, know how this was to be accomplished.
在德国，几乎没有真正的个体，只有许多古怪的人。但这算不上是个体，仅仅是集体主义的残余。他感受到人类对领导的宿命般渴望，而他则建议与自然进行对话。年轻人应该向树木、植物、天空和云朵敞开心扉，并感受它们的和谐。最终，应该以简单的存在面对这些事物，甚至与它们融合。他会体会到都柏林认为它们如何与他说话，以及他如何理解它们的语言。对于这位医学博士都柏林来说，人与自然现象之间的交流并不新鲜。他过去多次提到，并尝试通过一种共鸣理论来解释，意在引导人类以新的方式感受自身的生物基础和与其他生物的关系。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
There were hardly any real individuals in Germany, only any number of oddballs. But that is not an individual, merely the residue of collectivism. He sensed the fateful longing of humanity for leadership, and instead recommended a dialogue with nature. The young man should open himself up to trees, plants, sky and clouds, and sense their eunice. Finally faced these things as a simple being, no, mingle among them. He would experience Dublin argued how they spoke to him and how he understood their language, the communication between an eye and the phenomena of nature was not something new to the medical doctor, Dublin. He had repeatedly evoked it in the past and attempted to interpret it in a theory of resonance that was supposed to lead humanity into a new way of feeling about their own biological foundations and fellow creatures.
我们想要概述这份内容极其丰富但在政治上完全失调的条约。要了解和改变它，可以这样总结：在一个解构大型组织的无政府计划中，它在简短的段落中腾飞，开启了一种政治神秘的生态观，这种观念激进地预见了后现代的反思。都柏林从右翼手中夺走了农业厨房，并试图将其融入一种与共和国相容的思维方式中，这种方式用对自然的新关注取代了技术时代的物质主义。都柏林的新纪元看起来非常绿色，几乎显得谨慎。现在，人们必须慢慢地、真实地、完整地在地球上作为生活在充满灵性的自然中的人类安置自己，我们是自然的组成部分。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
We're want to outline the content of this over-flowingly rich but politically utterly dysfunctional treaties, know and change, one would have to sum it up like this. Embedded in an anarchic programme of dismantling large organisations, in brief passages it takes off and opens up a kind of political esoteric ecology that radically anticipates postmodern reflections. Dublin steals the agrarian kitchen away from the right and tries to absorb it into a way of thinking compatible with the Republic, one that replaces the materialism of the technological age with a new focus on nature. Dublin's version of the new age looks startlingly green, almost cautious. Now one must arrange oneself slowly, slowly, really and entirely on the earth as human beings in a living nature run through with spirit whose limbs we are.
不久之后，Dublin放弃了他在柏林东部工人阶级社区的公共医疗诊所，搬到了位于优雅的西部地区Kaiserdam。在那里，他开设了一家只接待私人病人的新诊所，但几乎没有人来看病。他一直将这个熙熙攘攘的城市视为他的思想可以滋长的土壤，如今却独自坐在诊室里写作，城市的人海失去了一个最着迷的爱慕者。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
A short time later Dublin abandoned his public medical practice in the proletarian east of Berlin and moved to the elegant west on Kaiserdam. There he opened a new practice for only private patience, but hardly anyone came. He who had always seen the swarming city as the soil in which his thoughts could grow sat alone in his surgery and wrote, the urban mass had lost one of its most fascinated lovers.
查尔斯顿舞的终结
在1930年，德国生活的许多领域出现了一种向后看的趋势。人们重新调整了自身，过去对快节奏生活的热爱逐渐消退。品味发生了变化，审美观、身体意识和节奏感也随之改变。情绪变得低落，身体似乎失去了动力，人们开始随着不一样的节拍起舞。
集体的情绪状态并不像许多人认为的那样，是时尚代表下的不重要泡沫。情绪不仅是社会变革的指示器，它们常常也是变革的媒介和放大器。夹杂着希望、失望、短暂的快乐和厌恶，情绪形成了复杂的过程，最终影响政治信念，并在选票上反映出来。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
The End of the Charleston In 1930 a tendency to look backwards appeared in many areas of German life. Sensors rearranged themselves and the love of fast-paced living faded. Tastes changed. As did the sense of beauty, the awareness of the body, the feeling of rhythm. The mood plunged, bones went on strike, people began dancing to a different beat. Collective emotional states are not the unimportant froth that fashion represents for many people. Emotions are not only indicators of social change, they are often also their medium and their amplifier. Interwoven with hopes, disappointments, bursts of happiness and aversion, they form intricate processes leading to political convictions and ultimately to crosses on ballot papers.
当然，1930年也有很多跳舞活动，但人们在大型舞厅中的舞蹈方式发生了根本性的变化。几乎没有人再想跳查尔斯顿舞，这种舞蹈曾欢快地主导了1920年代。激动而解放的查尔斯顿舞曾经摆脱了灵魂中的传统观念，如今让位给了华尔兹舞。这种不疾不徐、流畅优雅的舞蹈让人们重温昔日美好的时光。查尔斯顿舞的狂热如今显得过于冲动，人们更倾向于回归华尔兹那略带忧伤的节奏，在完美平衡的圆圈中旋转。不要让一切变得更糟。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
A lot of dancing was also done in 1930 of course, but the way people danced in the big dance palaces, those cheerful, fateful intersections of social life changed fundamentally. Hardly anyone felt like dancing the Charleston, which had so cheerfully powered the 1920s. The thrilling, liberating Charleston, which had shaken off the conventions of people's souls, made way for the waltz. Not measured, brightly rolling dance for couples, which brought the good old days back to the dance floor. The driving fury of the Charleston now seemed impetuous, and there was a tendency to return to the slightly melancholy rhythm that the waltz provided, swirling in perfect balance in a circle. Don't let everything get even worse.
舞蹈教师协会感到非常高兴。1931年，舞蹈历史学家F.W. Kupner在杂志《Das Magatzinn》中写道，高雅的社交舞重回舞台。现在，除了必不可少的华尔兹以外，人们还跳探戈、狐步舞和隆巴舞。人人随意舞动的爵士乐自由风格只留给那些低级的地方。精通标准舞蹈再次成为社交地位的标志，今天跳舞跳得不好如同说不标准的德语一样。如今，年长的、体型偏胖的以及肢体不够灵活的人也敢再次走上舞池。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
The dance teacher's guild was delighted. In 1931, the dance chronicler F.W. Kupner wrote in the journal Das Magatzinn that the elevated social dance was back, and that alongside the inevitable waltz, people were now dancing the tango, fox trot and rumble. The wild freestyle of jazz in which everyone danced exactly as they felt like dancing was left to the lowest of low dives. Being well trained in the standard dances, again became part of social distinction. Dancing badly today is the same as speaking bad German. Now once more, the old, the overweight and the stiff dared to go back onto the dance floor.
时代已经结束。Deck Fiercenet在文章《1932年的时尚》中欢呼雀跃，毫不掩饰其种族歧视。文章提到，那时六支华尔兹比上一支探戈，Charleston舞甚至不再被提及。文章写道，黑人音乐似乎至少暂时停止了其令人不安的扩展。广播从无数来源播送大量华尔兹。不论伦敦、巴黎、阿姆斯特丹或柏林发生什么事，整个世界都以华尔兹响应。即便是在阿尔弗雷德·弗莱切姆的自由杂志Ktherschnet中，也充满了如此多的保守自满。我们只能想象在更加反动的圈子中，氛围是怎样的。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
The N-word, era, was over. Deck Fiercenet cheered in the article, The Fashions of 1932, making no attempt to disguise its racism. There were six waltzes to one tango, and the Charleston was no longer even mentioned. It stated, Negro music seems, at least for now, to be pausing its alarming advance. The radio is drawing tons of waltzes from a thousand sources. Whatever may be going on, London, Paris, Amsterdam or Berlin, the universe replies with a waltz. So much conservative self-satisfaction even in Alfred Flechtheim's liberal magazine Ktherschnet. We can only imagine what the mood was like in more reactionary circles.
尽管如此，这位匿名作者注意到社会上有一种过度追求甜腻的趋势，并承认是人们在危机中的沮丧，而不是他们的好品味，使他们如此依赖安慰和俗气的东西。这种普遍的过度甜腻甚至在音乐中也有所体现。旋律正在回归，喧闹声减少了。人们开始渴望温柔的歌曲、美丽的白日梦和新鲜绽放的丁香。曾被爵士乐压制的香颂音乐正冒险发起一场胜利的反击。街头歌手们迎来了新的生命。舞曲唱片不再取代歌曲唱片。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
Still, the anonymous author noticed a tendency towards a certain over-sweetening and admitted that it had been the despondency of people during the crisis and not their good taste that had made them so dependent on comfort and kitsch. The general over-sweetening even feeds into music. Melody is making a return, noise has gone. People are demanding tender songs, pretty daydreams and freshly blossoming lilac. The Chancin, brushed aside by jazz, is risking a victorious counter-offensive. The street singers are awakening to new life. The record of dance music is no longer ousting the record of song.
即使在这个广阔领域中，各种趋势正在显现，即使它们仍然具有现实和幽默的特质，感伤的流行歌曲仍然脱颖而出。讽刺和女性的自信在逐渐退却。1932年，Fritzi Massary仍完全以1920年代的风格唱道，为什么女人不可以有一段恋情呢？她可以和一个狩猎狮子的人或者一个爵士乐队的黑人在一起。天哪，多么令人震惊。她被议论，被八卦，无疑是因为她的选择不同于传统。这位歌手在同一年离开了德国，因为那里对她而言已经太不安全了。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
And even though all trends in this broad field are asserting themselves, even though they are still realistic and humorous chancins, the sentimental schlager is emerging victorious. Irony and female confidence were in retreat. In 1932, Fritzi Massary sang, still entirely in the style of the 1920s, why should a woman not have a relationship? She could have a lion hunter or a negro from a jazz band. Heavens the consumption. She's talked about, she's gossiped about, surely it's the wrong way round. The singer left Germany the same year. It had become too unsafe for her.
大部分音乐新闻开始远离文化布尔什维克主义的虚无主义，转而追求歌颂海德堡古老风情和永恒爱情的振奋人心的音乐。因为主流已经开始回归传统，所以无须执行图林根州教育部长威廉·弗里克在1930年4月颁布的对爵士乐的绝对禁令。作家曼弗雷德·豪斯曼抱怨道：“那些家伙让我们倒退了180度，我们抛弃的东西，他们却奔向而去。那么我们抛弃了什么？卑微、从众心理、虔诚、盲从和对自身命运的恐惧。”尽管国家社会主义德国工人党（NSDAP）自1930年起在图林根州政府中拥有两名部长，但他们对爵士乐的禁令在柏林的自由派圈子里遭到了嘲讽和蔑视。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
Most music journalism turned away from cultural Bolshevik nihilism and towards uplifting schlager about old Heidelberg and eternal love. There was no need for the decree against the Negro culture with which the Education Minister for the State of Thuringia, Wilhelm Frick, imposed an absolute ban on jazz in the state in April 1930. The mainstream was already performing a wide backward curve. The author Manfred Hausmann complained, Those lads have turned us around by 180 degrees. What we left behind us, they are heading straight towards. And what did we leave behind us? The underling, the member of the herd, piety, drill, fear for our own lives. NSDAP Minister Fritz Prohibition on jazz, the party had had two ministers in the Thuringian state government since 1930, was met with scorn and mockery in the liberal circles of Berlin.
关于弗里克的“黑人统治”评论，《柏林晚报》写道，弗里克想把他的品味强加给图林根人民。如果他们容忍这一点，那就是咎由自取。在一些地方，民主的反应尚存。即使在《冲锋报》中，也出现了一些抵制。尤利乌斯·施特赖歇尔的报纸上，一位名叫弗里达·赫夫特的女士从柏林的新欧恩来信表示，爵士乐仍然对社会的欢快气氛有很大贡献，她不明白为什么要大惊小怪。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
With his Negro ruling, the Berliner Fochstseitung wrote, Frick wanted to impose his taste on the people of Thuringia. If they put up with that, it's no more than they deserve. Some democratic reflexes still worked here and there. Even in De Stürmer, there was a degree of resistance. In Julius Schreicher's paper, one Frida Heft wrote in from Neu Euen in Berlin to say that jazz still contributed much to the cheerful mood of society, and that she didn't understand what the fuss was all about.
《犹太人观察家报》的编辑回复称，德国的爵士乐不仅仅由黑人音乐家演奏，而且在德国它已被提升和改良。爵士乐绝不等同于单调和不和谐。旋律被表达和扭曲，但节奏严格保持，纳粹报纸对此表示满意，并建议暂时继续演奏。如今我们知道，无论如何，爵士乐的影响力已经减弱。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
The editors of De Stürmer replied that jazz in Germany was not only played by black musicians, and that it had been moderated and ennobled in Germany. It was by no means identical with a tonality and disharmony. The melody was phrased and distorted, but the rhythm is strictly adhered to, the Nazi paper was happy to note and advised, keep on playing for now. Today we know it had run out of steam in any case.
尽管如此，1932年，弗朗茨·冯·帕特纳的政府颁布了一项禁止黑人音乐家的政策，以提升白人音乐家的机会。这一禁令被大多数人接受，反映出自由精神已大幅退缩。与查尔斯顿舞一起，鲍勃发型也逐渐消失。最终，只有那些因政治信念或审美观念而怀念解放生活方式繁盛时期的人还留着鲍勃发型。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
Nonetheless, in 1932, Franz von Partner's government introduced a ban on black musicians to improve the chances for white ones. The fact that this was largely accepted shows the extent to which the spirit of freedom had gone on the defensive. Along with the Charleston, the Bob gradually disappeared as well. In the end, Bobs were worn only by those who, whether out of political conviction or aesthetic sense, mourned the boom years of liberated lifestyles.
在这里，同样不需要使用煽动性口号，例如“辫子是雅利安的，波波头是犹太的”，来激励女性换成更女性化的发型。现在更加保守的外貌与普遍的情感状态相吻合。头发应该显得端庄而经典，或者像莉莲·哈维那样，是上世纪30年代的超级明星那样诱人的金发女郎。瘦身不再流行，许多女性现在吃Ita Tragolbonbongs来增重。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
Here too, there was no need for inflammatory slogans such as, the braid is Aryan, the Bob is Jewish, to motivate women to switch to a more feminine hairstyle. A more conservative appearance now matched the general emotional state. The hair should now look dignified and classical, or else it should be the seductive hair of a cute little blonde like Lillian Harvey, the superstar of the 1930s. Thinness was out, many women now ate Ita Tragolbonbongs to put on weight.
不太好看的突出的骨感面颊和肩膀逐渐消失。你会逐渐增重，额外的体重会均匀地分布在身体各个部位，就像Ita Tragolad广告商承诺的那样。原本的棱角分明变成了流畅的轮廓。与此同时，随着经济危机的加剧，裙子的长度也突然增加。像Paula von Retsnichik这样的敏锐时尚记者解读这种新款裙装风格是对女性解放的一种反抗宣言。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
Unlovely protruding bony cheeks and shoulders are disappearing. You will put on pound after pound and the extra weight will appear on all parts of the body, the Ita Tragoladvertesman's promised. Angularity made way for a flowing silhouette. And along with the economic crisis, skirt lengths suddenly grew as well. Alert fashion journalists such as Paula von Retsnichik interpreted the new style in skirts as a declaration of war against emancipation.
她在《寺庙》一书中写道：“要清楚了解你要放弃什么。你要放弃的是短裙的时尚。而他们推荐给你的是什么？他们想强加给你的是什么？你将要展示一种复杂的、隐秘的、基本上是华而不实的女性形式。在实验室、办公室和工厂里，你将用飞舞的裙边扬起灰尘。在这一切背后，还有更多，这是对我们过去十年所取得的所有进步的一种糟糕而虚伪的反对。”
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
Have a clear understanding about what you are to give up, she wrote in Temple. You are to give up the fashion of the short dress of sharp lines. And what are you recommended instead? What do they want to force on you? You are to announce a complex, hidden, basically meritricious form of femaleness. At your work in laboratories, offices and factories, you are to whirl up the dust with swirling hems. There is much more behind all this, a bad, hypocritical reaction against all the gains that we have managed to make over the past ten years.
但许多读者并未响应她的号召，让自由派时尚编辑失望的是，长裙依旧大行其道。编辑部门因应时代潮流，很快放弃了它们作为自由主义精神守护者的教诲角色。随之消失在时尚版面的还有波波头发型和一种总体上偏男孩气的风格。取而代之的是一种现代化的感性风格登上舞台，这是一种理想化的女性形象，兼具古典的尊严和令人敬畏的姿态，更加女性化和道德，但同时仍然在情感上保持独立，有能力至少在一段时间内抵挡住那些天真烂漫的家庭观念。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
But many readers did not follow her call, the long skirt, to the disappointment of liberal fashion editors, continued its advance. Editorial departments adapted to the taste of the time and soon abandoned their pedagogical role as guardians of the libertarian side-guist. The bob disappeared from the fashion pages along with a boyish type in general. Instead, the modernized-gratian type appeared on stage, the ideal of a more feminine, more moral, but still emotionally independent woman with classical dignity and imposing stature, who was able to stand up to naive notions of home and heart, at least for a while.
内在价值与外部理想相符。在《Tempo》杂志中，卡斯蒂娜夫人为女性的重要问题提供建议，她曾主张性好奇心、自我决定和试婚。然而，现在她与 1920 年代的女性精神风貌拉开了距离。年轻女性不应该再穿着 1928 年的情感“服装”到处跑。1932 年，她写道，那已经是过去的事情了。她接着说，今天的女孩过于关注自己只是欲望的对象和伙伴，她不再想忍受可怕的空虚。她渴望体验一段伟大、强烈且激励人心的经历，让自己成熟为适合婚姻的女性。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
Inner values corresponded to the external ideal. In Tempo, Frau Castina, who gave advice about all important female issues, had pleaded for sexual curiosity, self-determination and trial marriage. Now, she distanced herself from the spiritual costume of the girls of the 1920s. Young women should not run around in an emotional costume from 1928. That was now very much a thing of the past, she wrote in 1932. She continued, the girl of today thinks too much of herself only to be an object of desire and a pal. She no longer wants to endure the terrible emptiness. She wishes and longs for a big, strong, inspiring experience, in which one becomes mature as a woman ripe for marriage.
因此，卡斯蒂娜女士也提到了深度、严肃和真实性，以对抗过去十年中那种轻浮且傲慢的态度，以及突然之间被认为是时代诅咒的可怕空虚。许多曾享受性自由的女性现在感到更多的是被利用，而非解放。年轻女性不再想成为一个实际的女孩——独立自信、在安定下来之前在不同情况下挑战自我、质疑性别角色并对性实验充满好奇的愿望似乎在很大程度上已经消失了。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
So Frau Castina also invoked depth, seriousness, authenticity against the cheeky frivolous arrogance of the past decade, the terrible emptiness that was suddenly held to be the curse of the time. Many women who had enjoyed sexual generosity now felt more exploited than liberated. Young women no longer wanted to be a pragmatic girl, the confidence to make it on one's own, the desire to test oneself in different situations before settling down, the wish to question gender roles and curiosity around sexual experiment seemed largely to have been lost.
但是，他们在媒体中的同伴已经沉默了。这位新女性在忧虑中变得像其他许多人一样需要帮助。每一位非常现代的女性都希望看起来像一幅古老的画作——温柔、谦逊和无助。这是时尚界的一个巨大潮流。一件小披肩、贝雷帽和皮草制成的小手筒或类似卷曲毛织物的小手筒，可以让人以很小的花费来追求这种风格。卢西法尼亚·科尔比在1933年1月30日，也就是希特勒成为总理的那一天，于《圣殿报》上如此写道。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
But their companions in the press had fallen silent. The new woman had become needy in her worries like so many others. The desire of every very modern woman is to look like an old painting, feminine, modest and helpless. That is the great fashion in fashion. A little cape, a beret and a muff made out of fur or some kind of curly fur-like fabric make it possible to pursue this line at little expense. So wrote Lucifania Corby in Temple on 30 January 1933, the day Hitler became Chancellor.