Vertigo - The Rise and Fall of Weimar Germany. Chapter 12: Evening Over Potsdam – the End of a Community of Communication
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以下是该段文字的中文翻译：
本章描绘了一幅阴郁的画面，展现了德国在纳粹夺权前几年逐渐陷入社会分裂状态，以及有意义的沟通的瓦解。本章以洛塔·拉扎斯坦因的画作《波茨坦之上之夜》为中心，这幅画被描绘成那个时代精神萎靡的象征。该画捕捉到了一群资产阶级知识分子在晚宴后疲惫不堪、彼此疏离的状态，突出了凝聚力的崩溃以及社会濒临崩溃边缘的孤立个人主义的兴起。
本章论证说，德国已经背离了理性资产阶级公共领域的理想。尽管社团、酒吧和餐馆中仍然存在沟通的表象，但深刻的分歧和沉默撕裂了社会。人们越来越退缩到回音室里，只与意见相似的人交往，并对其他人抱有轻蔑的态度。当时普遍的情绪是对团结的渴望，但只有两条可行的道路：强迫沉默或野蛮暴力。
魏玛共和国未能培养建设性辩论的文化受到了强调。威廉皇帝的家长式体制压制了独立思考，而1918年革命带来的突然自由让大多数公民毫无准备。在皇帝统治下最初是附属机构的政党，在承担责任方面举步维艰，经常将派系利益置于妥协之上，进一步侵蚀了公众的信任。媒体非但没有促进知情讨论，反而变得越来越党派化，助长了现有的偏见并加剧了不和谐。
本章还强调了有影响力的人物在沟通衰落中所起的作用。兴登堡总统使用紧急法令削弱了帝国议会，将辩论变成了在很大程度上是象征性的活动。 左翼杂志《世界舞台》虽然具有进步的理想，但其居高临下的语气也助长了这个问题，疏远了那些不在其知识圈之外的人。
相反，本章探讨了右翼出版物（如《行动》）的兴起，该出版物利用了公众对团结和强有力的领导者的渴望。它通过提供一个浪漫化的“民族共同体”的愿景，吸引了幻灭的中产阶级和知识分子元素，这是一种在独裁统治下的左右翼的融合。虽然《行动》批判了纳粹党的极端主义，但它通过抹黑民主和浪漫化专制主义，为国家社会主义铺平了道路。
本章详细描述了在社会崩溃面前，国家社会主义工人党所承诺的新的社区感和归属感的诱惑力，即使对于那些从逻辑上讲可能会害怕其政策的人也是如此。虽然看似矛盾，但街头流氓和学者都在该党中找到了共同点，被其秩序和方向的承诺所吸引。国家社会主义工人党巧妙地将非理性和浪漫的理想与一种更结构化的民族主义结合起来，创造了一种强大但具有破坏性的力量，并将自己标榜为团结的政党。对暴行和残酷行为的不断夸大，对许多寻求结束他们认为正在削弱和无能的政府的人来说，具有奇怪的吸引力。
本章最后考察了那些拥护审查制度和言论自由终结的知识分子，即使他们自己的生计依赖于此。他们天真地认为他们可以控制这场运动，却未能理解其力量和残酷程度。本章表明，对团结的渴望，加上对辩论的根深蒂固的反感和缺乏同情心，最终导致异议被压制和一个极权主义政权的崛起。
This chapter paints a grim picture of Germany's decline into a state of societal fragmentation and the erosion of meaningful communication in the years leading up to the Nazi takeover. It centers around Lotta Lazashtain's painting, "Evening Over Potstom," which is depicted as a symbolic representation of the era's malaise. The painting captures a group of bourgeois intellectuals, exhausted and disconnected after a dinner party, highlighting the breakdown of cohesion and the rise of isolated individualism within a society on the brink.
The chapter argues that Germany had moved away from the ideal of a rational bourgeois public sphere. While outward appearances of communication persisted in associations, pubs, and bars, deep divisions and silences fractured society. People increasingly retreated into echo chambers, associating only with those of similar opinions and holding others in contempt. The prevailing sentiment was a yearning for unity, but with only two available paths: forced silence or brutal violence.
The failure of the Weimar Republic to cultivate a culture of constructive debate is emphasized. The Kaiser's patriarchal system had suppressed independent thought, and the sudden freedom granted by the 1918 revolution found most citizens unprepared. Political parties, initially subsidiary under the Kaiser, struggled to assume responsibility, often prioritizing factional interests over compromise, further eroding public trust. The press, instead of fostering informed discourse, became increasingly partisan, feeding into existing biases and amplifying discord.
The chapter also highlights the role of influential figures in the decline of communication. President Hindenburg's use of emergency decrees weakened the Reichstag, turning debates into largely symbolic exercises. The left-wing magazine "Die Weltbühne," despite its progressive ideals, contributed to the problem with its condescending tone, alienating those outside its intellectual circle.
Conversely, the chapter explores the rise of right-wing publications like "Die Tat," which capitalized on the public's longing for unity and a strong leader. It attracted disillusioned middle-class and intellectual elements by offering a vision of a romanticized "folk community," a synthesis of right and left under a dictatorship. While critical of the NSDAP's extremism, “Die Tat” helped pave the way for National Socialism by discrediting democracy and romanticizing authoritarianism.
The chapter details the seductive allure of a new sense of community and belonging promised by the NSDAP in the face of societal breakdown, even for some who might logically fear its policies. While seemingly contradictory, both street thugs and academics found common ground in the party, drawn to its promise of order and direction. The NSDAP cleverly united the irrational and romantic ideals with a more structured nationalism, creating a powerful, albeit destructive, force that presented itself as the party of unity. The constant rhetoric of brutality and ruthlessness was strangely appealing to many seeking an end to what they perceived as a weakening and ineffectual government.
The chapter concludes with an examination of intellectuals who embraced the call for censorship and the end of free speech, even though their own livelihoods depended on it. They naively believed that they could control the movement, failing to comprehend the extent of its power and brutality. The chapter demonstrates how the desire for unity, combined with a deep-seated aversion to debate and a lack of empathy, ultimately led to the silencing of dissent and the rise of a totalitarian regime.
中英文字稿 
第十二章 黄昏降临波茨顿，交流社区的终结
对任何与他人交易的人来说，最高法则是绝不能将自己置于对方的位置。移情是瘫痪。——玛丽-路易斯·E.弗莱瑟尔, 1931年。
画架旁的宴会。这是一场令人疲惫的晚宴。画家洛塔·拉扎施泰因邀请了五位朋友到波茨顿的一个朋友的屋顶露台共进晚餐。他们吃喝，聊了很多次日闲事，当然也少不了讨论国家的混乱状态。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
Chapter 12 Evening over Potstom, The End of a Community of Communication The supreme law for anyone who does a deal with someone is that he must not put himself in the position of the other person. Empathy is paralyzing. Marie-Louis E. Fleiser, 1931. Banquet with easel. It was an exhausting dinner. The painter Lotta Lazashtain invited five friends to Potstom for an evening meal on a friend's roof terrace. They ate, drank, talked a lot about this and that, not least of course, about the muddled state of the country.
晚饭过后，客人们站着或者坐着，当作画的模特。他们被摆出姿势，然后再调整，重新组织。他们的位置不断变化。餐后残余的食物被重新整理，一系列颤动的动作，这些都是为了艺术。最终，拉扎斯泰恩让每个人都处于正确的姿势和位置。现在重要的是坚持住，不要动。到晚上结束时，一幅波茨坦的画景已被勾勒出来，客人的轮廓也被用粗笔刷画出。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
After dinner, the guests stood or sat as models for a picture. They were posed, re-posed, reorganized. Their positions switched. The remains of the meal rearranged, a series of jittery movements, the things we do for art. In the end, Lazashtain had everyone in the right posture and in the right place. The important thing now was to endure it and not to move. By the end of the evening, the view of a Potstom had been sketched and the outlines of the individual guests painted with a broad brush.
在接下来的几周里，这幅宽达两米的画被带着乘坐通勤火车运回。每位画像中的人物都必须再次来到拉扎施泰因位于柏林的工作室，重新坐上几个小时。最终完成的作品是《1930年波茨坦的黄昏》，这幅画后来成为衰落共和国气氛的象征。这位犹太艺术家的大幅作品是她1931年在柏林吉拉德画廊首次个人展览的核心展品。画作并没有售出，拉扎施泰因在1938年永远离开德国时，将它带到了她的瑞典流亡之地。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
Over the coming weeks, the painting, over two metres wide, was transported back on the commuter train. Each individual sitter had to come to Lazashtain's studio in Berlin to sit again for several hours. The end result was Evening Over Potstom, 1930, a painting that would later become a symbol for the mood of the declining republic. The Jewish artist's large format painting was the centrepiece of her first solar exhibition at the Guillard Gallery in Berlin in 1931. It wasn't sold and Lotta Lazashtain took it with her into her Swedish exile when she left Germany forever in 1938.
那幅画对她非常重要，以至于她后来画了自己站在那幅画前的画作。1987年，也就是她去世的前六年，她通过一家画廊将其卖给了一位英国收藏家。直到2010年，当它在柏林国家美术馆的"现代时代"展览中作为中心展出时，人们才终于看到它多年来的接受和解读历史，可以视为始于1931年Guillard画廊的一个晦暗的社会和政治隐喻。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
The painting was so important to her that she later painted herself standing in front of it. In 1987, six years before her death, she sold it via a gallery to a British collector. It wasn't until 2010 when it was shown as the centrepiece of the exhibition Modern Times in the National Gallery in Berlin that the history of its reception and interpretation over the years could finally be seen as a dark social and political metaphor that had begun in the Guillard Gallery in 1931.
这幅画展示了一场小型宴会的结束。五位宾客都已经吃饱了。桌子上仍然有一些面包、水果和酒。从构图上看，这幅画显然让人想起达·芬奇的《最后的晚餐》，尤其是因为画面在宁静中透露出的微妙动荡感，以及画面中央身穿黄色衣服的女子带有基督般的姿态，她僵硬地坐着，神情恍惚。画中还有两位男士和三位女士，他们都显得有些迷茫，内心沉思而疲惫。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
The painting shows the end of a little banquet. The five guests are full. Some bread, fruit and wine still lie on the table. In its composition, the painting clearly recalls Leonardo's Last Supper, not least because of the refined agitation of the essentially calm scene and the Christ-like pose of the woman in the yellow at the centre of the painting, sitting stiffly in blank reflection. Two men, three women, each a little lost, inward looking tired.
思想已经交流过了，所有问题都悬而未决。场景上弥漫着一股忧郁的气氛。这些是年轻的中产阶级人，或许是艺术家，显然是知识分子。他们是热衷于讨论想法的人，但已经无话可说。可以感受到这一没落的深思熟虑的阶层的深深困惑，他们只是暂时摆脱了周围不断滋长的仇恨。但这幅画之所以如此象征性，还在于它表现了一种凝滞的社会状态。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
Thoughts have been exchanged, all questions are open. A melancholy atmosphere hangs over the scene. These are young, bourgeois people, perhaps artists, obviously intellectuals. People committed to ideas who like talking but have run out of things to say. One can sense the deep bafflement of a declining class of thoughtful people who have only been relieved for a moment of the growing hatred brewing around them. But what makes the painting so symbolic is something else. It shows a society paused.
有那么一刻，它失去了凝聚力，变成了一群孤立的个体。如果将这个小团体看作更大社会的缩影，它揭示了许多敌人所批评的资产阶级社会的态度。这个社会被视为疲惫和虚弱，消耗殆尽。拉扎尔斯坦实际上展示了一个筋疲力尽、脆弱但又迷人的社会。每个人都为自己而活，但同时在一起，维系他们之间的关联极其脆弱。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
For a rather sad moment, it has lost its cohesion and broken up into a cluster of isolated individuals. If we take the little group as representative of a wider whole, it reveals many of the attitudes that its enemies criticized in bourgeois society. It was seen as weary and weak, drained, over. Lazarstein actually shows an exhausted society, fragile and vulnerable, but also captivatingly beautiful. Every man for himself and yet altogether, what holds them together is extremely delicate.
这是一个情感冻结的瞬间，仿佛时间被按下了暂停键。站立着的女性构成了一个框架，突出了这个群体松散的纽带，而男性则以相似的姿势呼应。聚会的活力正开始消退，个人成员慢慢地回到各自沉默的孤独中。在这种疏远与亲密的矛盾中，波茨坦的夜晚成为粗暴、充满活力的真实社会图景的温柔对比，而这种图景正是纳粹党用来扰乱公众心智的手段。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
It is a paused moment of frozen emotional body language. The loose bonds of the group are expressively emphasized by the framing bodies of the standing women and the matching postures of the men. The party is captured just at the moment when it has lost its vitality and the individual members fall back into their silent loneliness. In this ambivalence of distance and proximity, evening over Potsdam is a tender counterimage to the rowdy, vigorous visions of authentic community with which the NSDAP tormented the public.
我们甚至可以说，傍晚时分的波茨坦就像是对一个刚刚经历了漫长喧闹派对的共和国的爱的告白，如今这个共和国已无话可说。喧嚣的二十年代已经结束，取而代之的是对不确定未来的忧郁等待。这是一幅沟通危机的画面。德国已经远离了理性市民公共领域的理想。并不是人们变得沉默，表面上事情仍按有序而健谈的轨迹运行。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
We could even say that evening over Potsdam is a declaration of love to a republic that has just been through a long and noisy party and now has little to say for itself. The roaring twenties are over to be replaced by a melancholy wait for an uncertain future. It is the portrait of a crisis of communication. Germany had moved far from the ideal of a rational bourgeois public sphere. Not that people were silent, outwardly things still ran along orderly talkative tracks.
人们在社团里聊天，在酒吧里八卦，在和谐的酒馆里勾肩搭背，但仔细聆听和观察就会发现，那些分隔社会的沉默鸿沟。人们喜欢和自己同类的人相处，对其他人则持鄙视态度。由于情况错综复杂，比平时更少的人能够从与持不同意见的人讨论中获取有意义的东西。团结和一致是每个人嘴上渴望的话，然而要实现这两者只有两种方式：坚定的沉默或残酷的暴力。大多数德国人从未学会建设性地争论。在德皇统治时期，他们在没有多少争论的情况下被以家长制的方式照料。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
People chatted in the associations, gossiped in pubs, linked arms in convivial bars, but listening and looking more closely one could discern the gulfs of silence dividing society. People like to be among their own kind and held the rest in contempt. Given the muddled state of things, even fewer people than usual were in a position to take anything meaningful from a discussion with people of a different opinion. Unity and unanimity were yearning words on everyone's lips, although there were only two ways of achieving either through determined silence or brutal violence. Most Germans had never learned to argue constructively. Under the Kaiser they had been patriarchically tended to, without much debate.
在1918年11月的革命中，当他们跳入自由的冰冷水域时，大多数人并没有机会体验身为自由公民的滋味。很少人理解，更不用说赞同或在情感上体验，什么是为自己负责并在民主代表制的抽象框架中与他人协商。对许多人来说，政党似乎是万恶之源，仿佛正是他们在区分不同的利益群体。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
When they jumped into the icy water of freedom in the November Revolution of 1918, most had been given no opportunity to experience themselves as free citizens. Very few had understood, let alone applauded and experienced on an emotional level, what it meant to take responsibility for oneself and consult with others in the abstract framework of democratic representation. To many, the political parties seemed like the source of all evil. As if it were they who had put the different interest groups in place.
事实上，当1918年的革命赋予各政党在系统中核心角色时，他们对自由的准备不足。在德意志帝国时期，这些政党只是扮演次要角色，从未学会承担政治责任、组建持久的联盟，或在政治目标与可行行动之间找到折中之道。相反，他们激烈地为自身利益发声，并为维护其政治身份而奋斗。当政府活动需要妥协的态度，而这种态度又令各派别无法容忍时，他们甚至乐于背后捅自己部长的刀子。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
In fact, the parties themselves were ill-prepared for freedom when the 1918 Revolution assigned them a central role in the system. In the Kaiser Reich, they had only played a subsidiary role and had never learned to assume political responsibility, form durable coalitions and find a middle way between political goals and possible action. Instead, they spoke stridently on behalf of their interests and fought for the preservation of their political identities. They were happy to stab their own ministers in the back when their governmental activities required an attitude of compromise that seemed intolerable to the different factions.
在14年的时间里，12位总理领导了20届内阁，这并没有真正增加民众对各政党的信任。普通大众对政治生活的了解往往仅限于口号，因为报纸没有充分报道议会的谈判过程和政治妥协。人们听到的只是争吵和不和。这两个词最常用于形容当时的政治，就像现在的记者为了在90秒的报道里塞进复杂的内容而简化政治问题一样。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
The fact that 12 chancellors stood at the head of 20 cabinets over a period of 14 years did not exactly increase trust in the parties. The wider public often learned little about political life beyond slogans, as their newspapers did too little to inform their readers about parliamentary negotiation processes and political compromises. People heard only about squabbling and discord. These two terms were the ones most frequently used to describe politics, much as present-day journalists simplify political issues to cram complicated material into a 90-second slot.
与共和国关系最紧张的人主要抱怨争执和内斗。德国作曲家兼合唱团领袖B·德哥曼（化名）建议他的同胞们将政党打得支离破碎，他简洁有力地说出了许多人的心声。教师路易莎·宗比茨在她的日记中抱怨议员们的无谓纷争，说：“想想看，当所有人都可以为祖国贡献自己最大力量的时候。这样的政治真是可怜之至，是一堆卑劣的琐事，居然被称为政治，领导着人民，只会喋喋不休、詈骂、拍马屁，并拿着议员津贴。”
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
Feuding and squabbling were complained about mainly by those most at odds with the Republic. Smashed the parties to bits, B German, Zekefried Ox composer and choir leader recommended succinctly to his compatriots, and he spoke for many. Just think when everyone could be giving their best for the fatherland, the teacher Louisa Zombitz complained in her diary about the fruitless disputes of parliamentarians. And something so pitiful, such a pile of petty vileness is called politics, leads a people, chatters, curses, flatters and takes its parliamentary allowances.
在政治文化衰退中，最密切相关的人正是自视为最高保护者的保罗·冯·兴登堡。由于总统利用紧急法令在没有议会多数支持的情况下组建总统内阁，国会的尊严和影响力进一步下降。虽然国会没有沦为毫无意义的争吵场所，但其辩论的实际效果越来越有限。由于被排除在实际治理之外，各政党放任其教条化倾向，将哲学分歧绝对化，拒绝妥协。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
The individual most closely implicated in the decline of political culture was the one who saw himself as its supreme protector, Paul von Hindenburg. Since the president had used emergency decrees to impose a presidential cabinet without a parliamentary majority, the Reichstag had lost even more validity in respect. It had not denigrated into a meaningless shouting match, but its debates had fewer and fewer practical consequences. As they were largely excluded from pragmatic government, the parties gave free reign to their dogmatic tendencies, turning philosophical differences into absolutes and digging their heels in on compromise.
与抑郁症同时发生的交流危机削弱了所有促进社会凝聚力、公共讨论和集会的方式，但特别影响了报纸。读者们首先失去了信任，接着取消了订阅。仅沃尔斯坦一家就失去了四分之一的订户，并且广告收入的下降更是雪上加霜。《吉亚马尼亚报》取消了晚间版，而《科伊茨报》则彻底萎缩了。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
The communication crisis that went hand in hand with the depression devalued all means of promoting social cohesion, public discussions and fairs, but most particularly the press. Readers first withdrew their trust, then their subscriptions. Wollstein alone lost a quarter of its subscribers, and the drop in advertising hit even harder. The newspaper Giamania cancelled its evening edition, and the Kojtststststong simply withered away.
在德国，大约有3300家日报，其中大约有140家位于柏林，并且经常每天出版两次。这听起来像是一个充满多样性的批判性新闻的天堂，且确实如此，这个活跃的新闻界涌现出了一些至今仍被人们铭记的作者，比如特奥多尔·沃尔夫和埃根·阿尔文·基施，他们的名字如今成为了记者界两项重要奖项的代名词。报纸的文化版块蓬勃发展，鼓励奢华的写作风格，但其野心最终让读者感到疏远。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
There were some 3,300 daily newspapers in Germany, around 140 of those in Berlin, often published twice a day. That sounds like a huge variety of paradise for critical journalism, and the lively press landscape did produce authors who remain unforgotten, Teodor Wollf and Egan Alvin Kish, for example, who give their names to the two most important prizes for journalists today. Pagnatius' culture sections thrived, encouraging extravagant styles of writing whose ambition eventually alienated the readership.
柏林日报文化版负责人弗雷德·希尔登布兰特后来回忆道：“我们那些身在其中的人，就像生活在一个孤岛上。”反对柏林文化界的人早就声称，那里确实是一个孤岛，但每一个圈子、每一家报纸实际上都是一个独立的岛屿，各自有自己的意见领袖、举报者和常读者，是一个不欢迎外来观点的地方。每一个政治趋势、每一个小党派、甚至是最小的知识群体，都拥有自己的报纸。这就像如今在数字网络上让人思想孤立的“信息茧房”或“回声室”现象，在魏玛德国时期也存在。读者和报纸之间形成了一种相互确认偏差的关系：报纸写的都是读者想听的内容，只要报纸不以不受欢迎的观点困扰读者，读者就会保持忠诚。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
Freid Hildenbrandt, the head of the culture section of the Berliner Tagablat, later recalled, Those of us who were part of it all lived among ourselves as if on an island. Opponents of the Berlin cultural scene had long asserted that it was indeed an island, but every milieu, every newspaper formed an island in itself, with its own opinion-makers, whistleblowers and regular readers, an island where the opinions of outsiders were unwelcome. Every political trend, every little party, the tiniest intellectual village, had its own newspaper. A form of the infamous Filter Bubble, or Echo Chamber, through which people can become intellectually isolated on digital networks in the present day, also existed in Weimar Germany. Reader and newspaper existed in a mutual relationship of confirmation bias. The newspaper wrote what the reader wanted to hear, and the reader stayed loyal as long as the paper didn't trouble him with unwelcome views.
无线电这种新兴媒介本可以通过公正的报道来应对这一问题。考特·魏尔对当时在政治问题上的胆小如鼠颇有微词，因为电台管理者本有机会消除公众对反对派观点的无知。但广播却远离政治，直到戈培尔利用这一工具为他自己的目的服务。像莫瑟尔或乌尔施泰因这样的报纸集团，虽然致力于展示更广泛的意见光谱，并基本上支持共和国和议会政治，但它们意识到越来越多的人不再关注它们。即使在取消订阅之前，读者也已经在内心放弃了对这些报纸的关注。他们不再觉得自己的利益被讨论。尽管我们的读者表面上依然对我们忠诚，赫尔曼·乌尔施泰因回忆道，但毫无疑问，在他们心里，他们已经不再站在我们这边。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
The new medium of radio could have countered this with impartial reporting. Court Weil complained of the pusillanimity towards the political issues of the day, since radio station administrators had the opportunity to remove ignorance of the viewpoint of the opposition. But radio stayed away from politics, until Goebbels used the instrument for his own ends. Several newspapers from stables, such as Mosser or Ulchstein, which aimed for a broader spectrum of opinion but were fundamentally committed to the Republic and to parliamentary politics, sensed that an increasing number of people had stopped following them. Even before they cancelled their subscriptions, readers were inwardly quitting. They had lost the feeling that it was their interests that were being discussed. Even though our readers remained outwardly loyal to us, Herman Ulchstein would recall, there was little doubt that in their hearts they were no longer on our side.
他们中有很多人内心深处已经确信这样的情况不能继续下去，因此已经投向希特勒阵营。我们每天都在批评和攻击他们的偶像，但这对他们没有丝毫影响。自由派媒体的信任度和信誉最初是缓慢下滑的，随后急剧下降。受打击最严重的是《柏林日报》，它被视为倒霉的自由民主党（DDP）的喉舌。在主编泰奥多尔·沃尔夫的领导下，这份出色的报纸失去了超过80%的读者，从1919年的16万跌到1932年的仅2.5万。公众对民主事务的报道和评论缺乏兴趣，认为这些报纸是主流媒体的代表，记者则被视为体制的走狗。这种看法与自由派官员和政治家的名声已长久以来的看法一致。“谎言媒体”早已普遍使用，但“体制媒体”这个词更为流行，用于形容任何立场在纳粹自认为左翼的事物。宣传机器再次加班运转，不断地重复老旧的口号。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
Inwardly a good half of them who were convinced that it can't go on like this were already in Hitler's camp. Day after day we criticized and attacked their idol and it didn't have the slightest effect on them. The liberal press lost trust and credit at first very slowly, then dramatically. The worst hit was the Berliner Tagerblatt, which was seen as a mouthpiece of the luckless liberal DDP. This brilliant paper lost over 80% of its readers under its editor in chief Teodor Wollf. Of 160,000 in 1919 by 1932 only 25,000 were left. The public's lack of interest in democratic business included reports and commentaries on it. The newspapers were perceived as the mainstream media, Zestimpreza. Their journalists as lackeys of the system, Zestimlinger, which is how liberal officials and politicians had already been known for a long time. The term lying press, Leugenpreza was already in general use, but Zestimpreza was even more widespread and used for anything to the left of the Nazi's own Focasz left, the phrase making machine was once again working overtime, incessantly hammering out the old slogans.
不幸的是，右翼在想象力方面表现得更出色。德国共产党（KPD）的声音就像国家社会主义工人党（NSDAP）疲惫乏味的回声，有时甚至试图模仿其反犹太主义。然而，在民众之间，不同阵营和团体之间的善意已经耗尽。人们倾听的意愿消失殆尽，对其他观点的善意考量也已消失。经济危机的过程中，本就不够成熟的辩论艺术完全失去了踪影。在玛丽-路易斯·埃夫里斯1931年的小说中，卖花女弗里达·加亚关于贸易的观点适用于生活的各个领域。对任何与他人做交易的人而言，最重要的原则就是不能将自己置于对方的角度去思考。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
Unfortunately the right did so more imaginatively. The KPD sounded like a weary dull echo chamber of the NSDAP and even sometimes tried to copy its anti-Semitism. But within the population itself, goodwill between the different camps and circles was used up. The willingness to listen had vanished. Any desire benignly to consider the arguments of others had been extinguished. The civil art of debate, extremely underdeveloped in any case, had been completely lost in the course of the economic crisis. What Flower Saleswoman Frida Gaya had said about trade in Marie-Louis Eflices' 1931 novel applied to all areas of life. The supreme law for anyone who does a deal with someone is that he must not put himself in the position of the other person.
同情是让人无能为力的。那么，著名的世界舞台《Veltbüner》呢？它难道不正是一个对话的理想场所，至少在左翼政治派别的敌对阵营之间？这个和平主义杂志最初是从一本戏剧杂志演变而来的，最早由天赋异禀的激进分子齐格弗里德·雅各布森主编，雅各布森去世后由克特·托尔斯基短暂接任，从1927年起由凯丰·奥斯耶茨基主编。杂志专注于政治和文化，面向独立思考者，并且非常重视发表读者来信，包括名人的信件。它是左翼知识阶层的心脏与灵魂，游走于德国共产党（KPD）和社会民主党（SPD）之间，富有战斗力、讽刺意味，随时准备应对争论并开放讨论。尽管其发行量最多只有15,000本，但由于作者的无可争议的地位，其影响力却十分巨大。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
Empathy is paralyzing. And what about the famous Veltbüner, the world's stage? Wasn't it perfectly suited to a dialogue, at least between the hostile factions of the left-wing political spectrum? The pacifist magazine had emerged from what was originally a theatrical magazine and was edited first by the gifted hothead Ziegfried Jakobsson, briefly by Köt Tóhalski after Jakobsson's death and from 1927 by Käifon Osyetski. Devoted to politics and culture and aimed at independent thinkers, it had a strong culture of publishing readers' letters, including those of prominent people. It was the heart and soul of the left-wing intelligentsia, floating between the KPD and the SPD, combative, ironic, always ready for a scrap and open to debate. Its circulation with a maximum of 15,000 copies sold was tiny, but because of the indisputable rank of its authors, its influence was enormous.
虽然它的原则上是和平主义并且面向欧洲和西方，问题却在于其居高临下的语气。其软肋不在于理念，而是在于德瓦特布纳对那些与其观点不一致的人表现出的傲慢态度。1928年奥谢茨基的文章中的句子并不是为了说服，而是通过嘲弄来团结读者。例如，正如一些原始部落崇拜弱智一样，德国人崇拜政治上的弱智，并以此选出他们的领袖。在这方面，他们无疑胜过那些仅限于崇拜和胆怯仰慕，并不因此发动战争或缔结和平的野蛮人。这种对政治精英的尖酸嘲讽引起了许多共鸣，但只有那些未受其影响且与作者一起置身于象牙塔中的人才会欣赏这一点。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
Its weakness, however, was its condescending tone. The problem was not its principled pacifism or its orientation towards Europe and the West, but the arrogance with which Devatbuna snubbed anyone who wasn't on its wavelength. Sentences like the following, by Osyetski from 1928, were not intended to persuade but to close the ranks of readers with sneering mockery. Just as some primitive people worship the feeble-minded, the Germans worship political feeble-mindedness and choose their führer on that basis. In this they doubtless outdo the savages who limit themselves to worship and timid admiration, but otherwise move neither into war nor peace with their village idiots. The acidic derision of the political elite struck many chords, but could only be enjoyed by those who were not affected by it, and who stood with the authors in an intellectual ivory tower.
关于Devatbuna对共和国的削弱贡献程度存在争议，因为它有时会对现实政治人物进行尖酸刻薄的批评。但不可否认的是，它情真意切地关心着自己的读者群体。柏林的读者圈在市中心的Dunhofplatz的Kafir Adler，每周三的特定时间聚会，聆听来自左翼大学界的演讲。例如，在1928年的第二周，轮到反帝国主义联盟的路易斯·吉巴提（Louis Gibati）做演讲。关于柏林读者圈聚会的文章，还附带了一项请求，要求该国西南部工业城市路德维希的哈芬的居民配合。所有读者被礼貌地请求立即将地址提供给律师路德维希·韦尔博士，地址为16 Kaiser Wilhelm Strasser，以便在路德维希的哈芬建立Veldbuna读者圈。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
The extent to which Devatbuna contributed to the weakening of the Republic with its sometimes scorching disparagement of actual politicians is disputed, but it is true that it was touchingly concerned with its own readership above all else. The Berlin reader circle met on Wednesday at a quarter-past date in Kafir Adler on Dunhofplatz, in the centre of the city and listened to lectures from the left-wing university scene. In the second week of 1928, for example, it was the turn of one Louis Gibati from the anti-imperialist league. The article about the meeting of the reader's circle in Berlin was joined by a request to the people of Ludwig's Harffen, an industrial city in the south-west of the country. All readers are politely requested to give their address immediately to the lawyer Dr. Ludwig Weil, 16 Kaiser Wilhelm Strasser, so that the circle of Veldbuna readers can be established in Ludwig's Harffen.
在整个国家范围内，Devatbuna 只不过是个小众的邪教读物。Tohalski 法官是 Deatbuna 最重要的作者，但他因孤立而受到困扰，而这种孤立至少他自己要负部分责任。Tohalski的书卖得不错，他对新闻界也很在行，但他仍不乏自负，他把左派的失势在某种程度上视为个人的失败。这位才华横溢的讽刺者对自己的祖国怀有强烈的感情，并且对排斥反应极为敏感。在他那本备受争议的关于爱丽丝的书《Dojland, Dojland》中，这个充满尖锐社会批判的作品，他谨慎地以对这个他严厉批评过的国家的热爱宣言作为结束。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
In the country as a whole, Devatbuna was little more than a cult rag. Court Tohalski, the most important author on Devatbuna, suffered from isolation, for which he himself was at least partially responsible. Tohalski's book sold well, and he knew his way around the newspaper business, still not without a degree of egomania, he saw the left's loss of ground to some extent as a personal defeat. The gifted scoffer had strong feelings for his homeland, and he took rejection extremely hard. He cautiously closed his controversial book, Dojland, Dojland, about Alice, a compendium of his scathing social critiques, with a declaration of love for the country that he had scolded so severely.
所谓只有民族主义者才代表对德国的热爱是不正确的。他写道：“在爱国主义方面，我们被所有人超越。我们的情感是国际化的。在对祖国的热爱方面，我们不被任何人超越。我们有权利憎恨德国，因为我们热爱它。当人们谈论德国时，我们这些人——共产主义者，年轻的社会主义者，和平主义者，各种级别的自由爱好者——必须被记住。德国是一个分裂的国家。我们是其中的一部分，虽然我们之间有各种分歧，但我们对祖国的安静热爱是不可动摇的，没有挥舞旗帜，没有磨人的手摇风琴，没有多愁善感，也没有神经过敏的剑拔弩张。”这是一系列激烈论战的愤怒结论，措辞精彩但书写痛苦。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
It was not true that nationalists alone represented a love of Germany. He wrote, We are outdone by everyone in terms of patriotism. Our emotions are international. In terms of love of our homeland, we are outdone by no one. We have the right to hate Germany, because we love it. We have to be born in mind when people speak of Germany, us, communists, young socialists, pacifists, freedom lovers of every degree. Germany is a divided country. We are part of it, and standing amid all our differences, unshakable, without flag-waving, without a barrel organ, without sentimentality, and without a twitching saber is our quiet love of our homeland. That was a furious conclusion to a succession of polemics, brilliantly formulated but painful to write.
Georgolsky对祖国的热爱受到了失望，甚至是深深的侮辱。他认为战斗早早就已经输了，因此他对说服他人不太关心，更热衷于批评和坚持自己是对的。他自1924年起主要生活在巴黎，1929年搬到了瑞典，先是住在Grippsholm城堡附近的Leghistre，然后搬到哥德堡附近Hindus的美丽的Villa Necholand。从那里，他写信告诉他的兄弟他对德国的真实看法。你无法想象从外面看这个国家是什么样的，简直是一群神经过敏的疯子，以不同的方式犯着同样的错误。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
Georgolsky's love for his homeland was disappointed, even deeply insulted. He thought the battle was lost very early on, which is why he was much less concerned with persuasion than he was with dishing out the criticism and insisting on being right. He had lived predominantly in Paris since 1924, and in 1929 he moved to Sweden, first to Leghistre near Grippsholm Castle, then to the stunning Villa Necholand in Hindus near Gothenburg. From there he wrote to tell his brother what he really thought of Germany. You can't believe what the country looks like from outside. A collection of neurosthenic lunatics who are wrong, one and all, in their different ways.
不，我亲爱的兄弟，这不是我活在这世界上的原因。我无能为力。右翼对标左翼知识分子Védbuna的是名为Dietat the Ried的刊物，自受人尊敬的记者汉斯·希拉于1929年接手原本无宗教信仰的神秘杂志以来，成为了一本严肃的月刊。希拉来自自由派的Fosashechitzaiton，在那里他一度被视为总编的人选。他迅速将Dietat变成了一个拥有许多读者的保守革命平台。其发行量达到3万，这是一个有趣的数据，正好是Dietat的两倍。它引领潮流，显得激动人心，与当时崛起的纳粹党（NSDAP）有显著类似之处，但又持批评态度，正是这种方式使其在知识分子读者和国家社会主义之间架起了一座桥梁。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
No, my dear brother, that's not why I'm in the world. There's nothing I can do. The right-wing counterpart to the left-wing intellectual Védbuna was called Dietat the Ried, a serious monthly publication since the respected journalist Hans Siera had taken over the original non-denominational esoteric magazine in 1929. Siera came from the liberal Fosashechitzaiton, where he had even been considered for a time as a potential editor-in-chief, and he quickly turned Dietat into a much-read organ for the conservative revolution. Its circulation reached 30,000, which was, tellingly, twice as high as that of Dietat was in fashion, seemed excitingly new, demonstrated striking similarities with the rising NSDAP and yet was critical towards it, which was exactly how it formed a bridge between intellectual readers and national socialism.
任何想要了解关于新兴迷恋——意大利法西斯主义、奇特的哲学家海德格尔或普遍的统一渴望的人，都无法避开“Dietat”。这个话题在各处被讨论。齐克·弗里特考尔甚至在《法兰克福艺术杂志》上撰写了两篇整版文章，详细分析了这份报纸那种诱惑且要求严苛的风格。当然，“Dietat”不喜欢被贴上右翼的标签，因为它希望吸引所有的共和国敌人，无论他们是右翼还是左翼，尤其是那些头脑发热的年轻人。其最重要的成分是反资本主义、对民众的浪漫观念，以及对独裁的渴望，希望由精英治理。简单来说，“Dietat”的纲领大致是这样：右派和左派需要在民众的神话中形成一种合成，构建一个充满宗教色彩的强大集体，由失望的中产阶级和渴望归属的知识无所依者共同组成。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
No one who wanted to know anything about the new love of myth, the Italian fascists, the strange philosopher Heidegger or the widespread longing for unity, could avoid Dietat. It was discussed everywhere. Zeke Fritkeauer even wrote two full-page articles about it in the Frankfort-Artsaiton, giving a detailed examination of the paper's seductive demanding style. Dietat was, of course, unhappy with the right-wing label, since it wanted to appeal to all enemies of the Republic, regardless of whether they were right or left-wing, particularly hot-headed young people. The most important ingredients were anti-capitalism, a romantic notion of the folk, and a longing for dictatorship in which the best were in charge. In brief, the programme of Dietat was more or less this. Right and left needed to form a synthesis in the myth of the folk, in a powerful, religiously charged community carried by the disappointed middle classes, the intellectually homeless who felt a burning need to belong.
然而，只有渴望是不够的，不管神话多么强大，如果没有暴力，在精英领袖下建立强大的民族国家是无法实现的。如果信仰不足，剑与拳头将帮助塑造民族共同体。暴力的前景并没有令《Dietat》的读者感到惊慌。恰恰相反，Tsirah所唤起的威权领袖国家愈发吸引人，尤其是在现实中脆弱的共和国环境日益混乱的情况下。那个时候，“独裁”一词不像我们今天了解古拉格和集中营的恐怖后让人心生反感。宪法学者和右翼思想先驱卡尔·施密特将独裁视为无果讨论的终结，他观察到，独裁并不是民主的对立面，而是讨论的对立面。《Dietat》非常擅长为此类冷峻理论注入情感。狂热而傲慢，有时柔和田园，有时如瓦格纳的高潮一样逐渐激昂，《Dietat》描绘了一幅承诺参与塑造的时代变迁图景。这与国家的整体情绪相符。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
But yearning alone would not be enough, however powerful the myth, without violence, the strong folk state under the leadership of its elites, would be unachievable. If faith was not sufficient, the sword and the fist would help to forge the folk community. The prospect of violence did not alarm the readers of Dietat. Quite the contrary, the authoritarian Führer state evoked by Tsirah without necessarily having Hitler in mind became more attractive the more muddled the real conditions in the weakened Republic became. The word dictatorship, unlike today when we know the horrors of the Gulags and concentration camps, did not necessarily strike a negative chord. The constitutional lawyer and right-wing pioneering thinker Karl Schmidt saw dictatorship as the end of fruitless discussions and observed, dictatorship is the opposite not of democracy but of discussion. And Dietat was expert at breathing emotion into the cold functionalism of such theses. Fanatical and haughty, now gentle and idyllic, now gradually rising to a fury like a Wagner crescendo, Dietat painted a picture of the changing times that it promised to help shape. That matched the general mood of the country.
右翼势力在很大程度上重新掌控了未来。尽管共产党（KPD）以战斗精神著称，但由于长时间的熟悉和对苏联的失望，信心已被削弱，对苏联的吸引力只剩下对最顽固的党员而言有些吸引力。在共产党之外的独立左翼充满了苦涩的悲观情绪。Dietat不负其名，它灵活且具有未来愿景。Siera详细描绘了在现代社会冷漠的氛围中，新的社区症状如何开始形成。人们不再渴望分心和单纯的娱乐，不再喜爱愤世嫉俗的电影、老掉牙的笑话和陈旧的争论。相反，随着幻灭感的加深，一种新的社区精神正在萌芽。在一些地方，人们开始重新交谈。他提到，有时候，人们甚至会再次开始与邻居交谈。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
The right-wing was largely able to reclaim the future for itself. The KPD was also notoriously ready for battle, but its confidence had been eroded by long familiarity and the Soviet Union only seemed attractive to the most hard-nosed of party members. The independent left beyond the KPD was swathed in bitter pessimism. Dietat lived up to its name, it was Agile and had a vision of the future. Siera painted a detailed picture of the way symptoms of the coming community would form in the apathetic coldness of the modern age. People no longer had any desire for distraction and mere entertainment, for cynical cinema, stale jokes and the old arguments. Instead, in the course of their disillusionment, a new spirit of community was beginning to stir. Here and there, people would start talking to each other again. He said, sometimes a person starts talking to his neighbour again.
他们可能会开始自愿为彼此提供服务，而不是因为被迫。他们可能会微笑着相互辞让，然后握手。越来越多的人会一起坐在一个房间里，感受到我们坐在一起真好。奇迹和惊喜在发生。大家开始发现邻居的重要性。一条街道变得有活力，更有人情味。因为不再必须信奉某个信仰，因为我们都有债务，邻里关系也有，界限逐渐消失。自上而下的民众团结没有形成，但自下而上的却在逐日增长。那些房屋倒塌的人也许找不到坚实的立足点，但他们会发现有许多曾经和他们一起倒塌的人。本文的手法简单，断断续续的方式或许平常，情感却很有力量，但人们也能感受到它在普遍感叹社会崩溃的背景下产生的吸引力。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
It may be that they will start performing services for one another without being obliged to do so. They may smile resigningly at each other and shake hands. As many people will sit together in a room and have the feeling, it is good that we are sitting together. Signs and wonders happen. One discovers one's neighbour. A street comes to life. It becomes more human. Since one no longer has to be a member of the faithful, since one is in debt and one's neighbour is too, the boundaries fall. The top-down folk community has not come into being, but the bottom-up one is growing by the day. Anyone whose house of cards has collapsed may not find solid ground, but he will find many others who have collapsed before and with him. The tricks of this text are simple, the staccato banal, the sentimentality powerful, but one also senses the attraction that it must have exerted in the context of a generally lamented breakdown of society.
对新社区的向往是显而易见的。塞拉对这场危机充满热情，因为他看到这是一种超越民主的机会，通过诚实、谦逊、共同利益和愿意对话的静默戏剧来实现。而且，还有人尴尬地微笑着说：“我真的是认真的。”塞拉所讨论的正是洛托·拉扎斯坦在《晚安，波茨坦》中赋予感人面貌的同一种社区危机。他试图从右翼角度去克服这种危机，但令人痛心的结果是，像拉扎斯坦这样的人因此项目而被杀。尽管作者自然不可能预见到这种情况，但他意识到，他认为逐渐形成一种新的沟通社区的甜美理想，将涉及到动荡和暴力。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
The longing for a new community is tangible. Cera was enthusiastic about the crisis because he saw in it a chance to overcome democracy in the quiet drama of honesty, modesty, mutual interest, a readiness to talk. And there are even people he went on who declare with an embarrassed smile, I really mean what I say. Cera was addressing exactly the same crisis of community to which Lotto Lazarstein gave a touching face in evening over Potsdam. And trying to overcome it from the right, with a gruesome consequence that people like Lazarstein were killed as a result of this project, although naturally the author could not have known that this would be the case. He was aware, however, that the sweet idl, which he saw germinating here in the form of a new community of communication would involve agitation and violence.
迪塔德试图为法西斯主义赋予一个人性化和知识化的形象。他明确表示支持墨索里尼，而对希特勒则显得犹豫，主要是因为他们对希特勒狂热的反犹太主义持怀疑态度，甚至塞拉本人还与一位犹太女性结了婚。正是通过这种优雅的疏离，塔尔特圈子使得国社党也在那些通常不愿与群众运动以及其富有表演性质的领袖产生共鸣的高傲文化圈中找到了立足之地。事实上，围绕迪塔德的知识贵族们有充分的理由对参加希特勒集会的那些残忍的群众感到震惊，那些群众正是他们心目中人民的严酷现实。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
Dittard tried to give fascism a human face and an intellectual one. It explicitly supported Mussolini, Hitler, only hesitantly. It was suspicious about his fanatical anti-Semitism, and Cera himself was married to a Jewish woman. Precisely through this elegant detachment, the Tarte circle meant that the NSDAP was also welcome in snobbish cultural circles that usually felt little inclination to find common cause with a mass movement and its exhibitionistic spectacle-organizing Führer. The intellectual aristocrats of the circles around Dittard in fact had sound reasons to be horrified by the brutal mass of people attending Hitler's rallies, which was the grim reality of their notional folk.
尽管他们与国家社会主义者保持谨慎的距离，但他们却一再呼吁选举希特勒。他们视国家社会主义德国工人党为清除令人憎恨的民主制度的机会。他们认为一旦上台，就能轻松地限制住这些人并引导他们走上正确的道路。但塞拉(Cera)对此并不感到恐惧，即便要忍受一些程度的压制也无所谓。例如，他渴望审查制度。他认为，如今思想逐渐受到控制，是一件极有用的事情。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
But in spite of the cautious distance that they put between themselves and the national socialists, they repeatedly called for Hitler's election. They saw the NSDAP as an opportunity to sweep away hated democracy. Once they had come to power, it would be easy to rein them in and guide them on the proper tracks, but Cera wasn't horrified by the prospect of putting up with a small degree of subjugation. For example, he yearned for censorship. If the spirit is slowly being placed under the screw of control these days, that is an extremely useful thing.
他非常认真地相信，并安慰他的同行们，认为一点点外部的约束对精神没有任何坏处。他说，人类最优秀和最深刻的思想很少在自由中产生，而通常是在压迫中形成的。因此，没有理由恐慌。关键在于我们真正地去思考、写作和阅读。Cera没有想到，这种控制可能有一天也会折磨他，甚至可能禁止他写作。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
He quite seriously believed and consoled his fellow journalists with the notion that a bit of external discipline did the spirit no harm at all. Saying, the best and deepest thoughts of humanity have seldom been thought in freedom, but have usually come about in oppression. There is no reason for panic. It is only a matter of us really thinking, writing and reading again. It did not occur to Cera that the screw of control might one day torture him as well, indeed that it might forbid him from writing at all.
回想起来，来自迪塔特的他的同事威廉·艾克曼解释说：“我们完全误解了国家社会主义。我们对这个运动的实际力量一无所知。我们认为这些人不够聪明，而错误地相信智慧才是政治中重要的因素。1933年是我们大彻大悟的一年。许多公众也被一种感觉所迷惑，认为情况不会太糟，胁迫和暴力将会被控制在可以忍受的范围内。”
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
In retrospect, one of his colleagues from Dittart, Wilhelm Echemann, explained, We completely misunderstood national socialism. We knew nothing of the actual power of the movement. We didn't think these people were intelligent enough and believed that intelligence was what mattered in politics. 1933 was the year of our great awakening. Many members of the public were also seduced by the feeling that things wouldn't be so bad, and coercion and violence would be kept within bearable limits.
街上的普通人基本上未受到纳粹党打手们对待反对派时表现出的残暴手段的影响。只有在这些游行者眼中那些自认有理由害怕的人才会感到恐惧。而不觉得受到威胁的大多数人则对这些行进的队列越来越着迷，因为这些队列显然成为了一个支离破碎、充满争吵的社会的鲜明对立面，而这样的争吵令意志消沉的公众感到极为厌烦。请毫不留情，傲慢与屈从。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
The man and woman in the street remained largely unaffected by the brutality with which the NSDAP's gangs of thugs treated their opponents. The only people frightened by the essay's torchlight processions and street demonstrations were those who in their eyes had something to fear. The majority who felt unthreatening, on the other hand, were increasingly fascinated by these marching columns, since they formed an obviously convincing antithesis of a fragmenting society whose bickering was getting so painfully on the nerves of the discouraged population. Please be as ruthless as possible, arrogance and submission.
人群排列整齐、有序，欢快地唱着歌，手持火把看起来十分壮观。很多心存忧虑的市民觉得，这样的场景比起野蛮更显得高贵，因为他们认为民族社会主义是一种能够驯服暴民并使之发挥有用作用的力量。在他们看来，相比之下，这总比让民众投票选举共产主义者要好。国家社会主义工人党（NSDAP）上演了一个让人质疑的奇迹，吸引了街头恶棍和自视甚高的保守学者这两种截然不同的人群。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
The crowd in formation, ranked, ordered, cheerfully singing, impressive looking with their torches, appeared noble rather than brutal to many worried citizens, who perceived national socialism as a force that would tame the mob and set it to useful purposes. That seemed better to many than having the masses vote in communist. The NSDAP performed the dubious miracle of attracting both street thugs and conservative academics with high opinions of themselves.
学生们发起了这场讨论，他们并不是刻板印象中愚钝的无产者。在这个群体中，热爱赫尔达林的学校教师，药剂师，以及从未想过会融入人群却渴望归属感的困境公务员，都找到了归属。对德国文化的热爱以及强烈的社区感结合在一起，形成了一种吸引越来越多人的氛围，即便是那些犹豫不决的人。纳粹党是一个由争吵者和教授组成的政党。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
Students, not dull-witted proletarians as the clichés would have it, spearheaded the essay. In the party, the Höldalyn loving schoolteacher felt just as much at home as the pharmacist and the beleaguered civil servant, who had never dreamed of forming part of the crowd but was desperate to belong to a community. Devotion to German culture and intense community feeling combined into a mixture that attracted more and more people, even quite hesitant ones. The NSDAP was a party of brawlers and professors.
这是一群阴郁的人，他们内部的矛盾仅仅被他们试图激发的活力所勉强维系。在1930年，托马斯·曼试图解释国家社会主义德国工人党（NSDAP）的竞选成功。他们在选举中获得了18.3%的选票，超过640万票，相比1928年选举多了八倍，并在国会中获得了107个席位。托马斯·曼已经提出其成功的原因有两个方面的文化根源。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
A grim bunch whose internal contradictions were cemented only by the dynamism that they were trying to set in motion. In 1930, attempting to explain the electoral success of the NSDAP, who had attracted 18.3 percent of the vote with over 6.4 million votes, eight times more than in the 1928 election, gaining 107 seats in the Reichstag, Thomas Mann had already suggested that it had two-fold cultural roots.
一方面，这是一种非理性的自然崇拜崇拜，它赞美无意识的生命力、动感和神秘的创造力。另一方面，是一种特定语言学意识形态，体现在德国诗人和思想家的浪漫主义，以及学术界对北欧事物毫不怀疑的信仰。这种意识形态以一种神秘而又显得陈旧的尊贵方式，用"种族"、"民族"以及"德国青年运动"这样的词汇与1930年的德国人对话。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
On the one hand, the irrational nature-worshiping cult, which celebrated the life-giving forces of the unconscious, the dynamic, the darkly creative, on the other, there was a certain philological ideology, German poets and thinkers' romanticism, and unquestioning faith in things Nordic from the academic professional sphere which, in an idiom of mystical respectability and high-flown staleness, spoke to the Germans of 1930 with words like racial, folkish, and German-youth movement.
一句话概括，就是“文化上的野蛮”。这个本质上奇怪的集合体之所以能够作为一个整体运作，是因为它不断设想未来，并构造需要被遏制和消灭的敌人。没有这种被称为“民族使命”等内部攻击，这个“民族矿井”的概念，这个民族的共同体就会立刻瓦解。相反，它却把越来越多的人吸引到一个运动的漩涡中，这个运动似乎能够把左翼和右翼的元素团结在一起，不论是平民的还是精英的态度。尽管国家社会主义德国工人党（NSDAP）在某种程度上是魏玛共和国最具破坏性的因素之一，但它成功地将自己塑造成一个能够把各种矛盾混乱转变为新共同体的统一党派。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
In one word, cultural barbarism. This essentially bizarre agglomeration was able to work as a unit as long as it kept coming up with visions of the future and constructing enemies that needed to be kept in check and annihilated. Without this internal aggression called things like the Folkish mission, the construct of the Folkish mineshaft, the community of the folk would have fallen apart immediately. Instead, it drew more and more people into the maelstrom of a movement that actually seemed capable of uniting left-wing and right-wing elements. Plebeian and elitist attitudes. Even though the NSDAP was by some way the most destructive element of the Weimar Republic, it managed to present itself as a party of unity that could shape the madhouse of contradictions into a new community.
希特勒经常挂在嘴边的“无情”和“残忍”并没有让投票给他的人感到不安。一个人应该无情地利用自己的人生。人们甚至应该被无情地训练去使用地方产品。他非常坚定地捍卫这样一个原则：在抓住大罪犯之前不应该先对付小罪犯。人们 somehow found brutality thrilling. 在某种程度上，被残忍地推到极限让他们感到刺激，就像进行体育训练一样。许多人对被提升到一个新高度的前景并不感到惊慌。实际上，在经历了自由的寒冬后，被不懈地推动前进的想法被认为颇具吸引力。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
The fact that the words ruthless and brutal were constantly on Hitler's lips didn't trouble the people who voted for him. One should use one's own life ruthlessly. People should even be ruthlessly trained to use regional products. He was brutally determined to fight for the principle that you shouldn't go after the small criminals before you've hunted down the big ones. People found brutality somehow thrilling. They wanted to be pushed to the edge as if during sports training. Many people weren't alarmed at the prospect of being driven up a notch. In fact, the idea of being relentlessly urged onwards was perceived to be more than enticing after the frosts of freedom.
老师路易莎·佐米茨对希特勒表示理解，因为他想要以强硬手段统治。我们越来越倾向于支持国家社会主义者，因为他们承诺会表现得强大，而这正是关键，她在日记中这样写道。她希望希特勒能够团结他的人民，建立内部秩序和清洁，外在的尊严和严谨。他需要清除犹太民主社会主义议会制。如今，很多人都有这样的想法，但路易莎·佐米茨对希特勒的同情尤为令人惊讶，因为她嫁给了一位犹太人，按理说她本应害怕希特勒。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
The teacher, Louisa Zomitz, also sympathised with Hitler because he wanted to rule ruthlessly. We are more and more inclined towards the national socialists because they are promising to be strong and that is the essential thing she confided in her diary. She expected Hitler to show the ability to force his own people into unity, to create inward order and cleanliness, outward dignity and firmness. He needed to clean up Jewish democratic socialist parliamentarianism. This was by now how many people thought, but Louisa Zomitz's sympathy for Hitler is especially remarkable. She was married to a Jew and had every reason to fear Hitler.
她的丈夫改信了新教，但他们都知道，根据纳粹的种族理论，宗教信仰并不重要。她明白，如果希特勒上台，她和她的家人将会遭受痛苦。在纳粹的术语中，尽管她的女儿已经接受了新教的洗礼，仍然被视为半犹太人。她在1933年的日记中写道：“对我来说，存在于这个世界比我的丈夫和孩子更重要，但我知道希特勒的种族原则是正确的。” 历经钢铁风暴的幻想，恩斯特·荣格也准备做出牺牲。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
Her husband had converted to Protestantism but they both knew that because of Nazi race theory, one's religious denomination was irrelevant. She understood that she and her family would suffer if Hitler came to power. In Nazi terminology, her daughter was considered a half Jew even though she had been baptised as a Protestant. Being in the world is more important to me than my husband and child, but I know that Hitler's racial principles are correct, she wrote in her diary in 1933. Ernst Jünger, the storm of steel fantasies, was also prepared to make sacrifices.
这位极右翼的花花公子在各种专注的报纸上勤奋地发表文章，他已对充满理性辩论的公共领域感到厌倦，并像汉斯·齐拉一样，要求清除自由派媒体所变成的“自由意见的沼泽”。他认为意见本身是多余的。毕竟，每一种意见都会立即招来反对意见，每一个新闻都伴随着否认。在1932年，他出版了一本名为《仲裁者，工人》的书，描述了他所设想的未来媒体，呈现了一种阴郁却乌托邦式的国家社会主义工人国家愿景。在这种愿景中，媒体成为了一种技术化的信息流动，只包含有用的信息，不再有主观的花哨内容。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
The far right dandy who published industriously in all kinds of focused newspapers had endured enough of the reasoning public sphere and, like Hans Ciera, demanded the draining of the swamp of free opinion that the liberal press has turned into. Opinions could also be dispensed with. After all, every opinion was immediately followed by a counter-opinion, every news item by its denial. In his grimly utopian National Bolshevistic Vision of the Worker State, published in 1932, under the title De Arbiter, The Worker, he presented a vision of how he imagined the media of the future, as a technocratic flow of communication in which there was no longer any place for subjective flim-flam, but only for useful information.
未来要求一种契合20世纪的事实和数学风格表达方式，但这种客观立场却没有立足之地。媒体必须从自由意见的载体转变为严格而明确的工作世界的载体。对于一个不再在乎意见、却不断发表意见且无其他能力的人，我们该如何理解？荣格所要求的无异于结束人们一直以来所认知的思考者。就像席拉一样，他渴望审查制度。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
The future demanded a factual, mathematical style appropriate to the 20th century. There was no room for this objective. The press must transform itself from an organ of free opinion into the organ of a strict and unambiguous world of work. What are we supposed to make of an intellectual, for whom opinions no longer meant anything, even though he himself was constantly producing them and wasn't capable of any other occupation? What Jünger was demanding was nothing less than the end of the thinking person, as known until then. Like Ciera, he longed for censorship.
曾经对民间社区赞不绝口的人，正是第一个希望它被噤声的人。他们没有意识到，自己可能是下一个被噤声的对象。荣格（Jünger）同样坚定地想要经历言论自由被禁止的那一天，以及意见冲突结束的时刻，尽管这正是他自己工作的基础。他一定知道，在他梦想的那个社会里，没有他的位置。他以一种悲情和自怜交织的方式，结束了他关于蚁群工人国家的书，并以充满激情的视角描绘了他自己。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
The people who raved about the folk community were the first that wanted it silenced. They didn't occur to them that they might be next in line. Jünger was also grimly determined to experience the day when freedom of speech was forbidden, and the conflict of opinions brought to an end, even though it formed the basis of his own work. He must have been aware that there was no place for someone like him in the society of which he dreamed. With a mixture of pathos and self-pity, he concluded his book about the ant-like workers' state with an impassioned vision of himself.
当一个人被困在混乱的区域中，忙于硬化武器和心灵，并且懂得如何在离开这些区域时放弃幸福时，是无法不带有情感地看待他的。然而，在这里情感是多余的，因为我们看到的这个人已经对自己感到厌倦。他想在寄存处交出自己的自由，连同他的智慧，就像交出一顶旧帽子一样，以便隐藏在一个由相同的极右翼老鼠组成的世界中。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
One cannot without emotion consider the human being, occupying himself with a toughening of weapons and hearts, when trapped in the midst of chaotic zones and knowing how to renounce happiness as he leaves them. Emotion is entirely out of place here, where we are presented with someone who has only had enough of himself. He wants to hand in his freedom at the cloakroom, and his intellect too, like an old hat, so that he can hide in a world of identical far-right mice.
他的保守的革命伙伴埃德盖·荣格，曾撰写《低阶规则》，并为副总理弗朗茨·冯·佩尔曼撰写演讲稿，对于这个话题更加诚实。1932年，他再次感到自己想要结盟的平民阶层太过愚蠢，于是在《德意志评论》上愤怒地写道：我尊重民众运动的原始性，尊重胜利者和风暴领袖的战斗力，但他们的自负并不赋予他们将自己视为大地之盐并轻视其知识先锋的权利。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
His conservative fellow-revolutionary Edgai Jung, author of the Rule of the Inferia and speech writer for Vice Chancellor Franz von Pärmann, was more honest on the subject. In 1932, feeling once again that the plebeian class with whom he wished to allie himself was too stupid, he wrote furiously in the Deutsche Ronschau. I respect the primitiveness of a folk movement, the fighting force of victorious gowlighters and stormfuras, but their bumsciousness does not give them the right to see themselves as the salt of the earth and to look down upon their intellectual pioneers.
与荣格和西埃拉不同，荣格无法简单地屈服，他坚定地认为自己可以指挥他的纳粹朋友们。一个革命运动不应该接受小资产阶级政党的官员的法律，而应该由其知识分子代表来制定。荣格应该更慎重地选择他的朋友。这位极右翼的墨索里尼追随者和对希特勒持怀疑态度的人，没能在与纳粹的危险友谊中坚持太久。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
Unlike Junga and Siera, Jung could not simply submit, and seriously believed that he could issue orders to his Nazi friends. It is not acceptable that a revolutionary movement receives its laws from petty bourgeois party officials rather than from its intellectual representatives. Jung should have chosen his friends more carefully. The far-right devotee of Mussolini and Hitler's skeptic did not survive his critical friendship with the Nazis for long.
民众的团结不容许最微小的偏离。在1934年夏天，荣格被盖世太保枪决，被他曾经效力并为之铺路的黑暗势力杀害。
▶ 英文原文 ⏱
The unity of the folk did not tolerate the smallest deviation. In the summer of 1934, Jung was shot by the Gestapo, killed by the dark forces for which he had prepared the ground, to whom he himself had belonged.